THE MALTESE CROSS

PRAEGER SECURITY INTERNATIONAL ADVISORY BOARD

Board Cochairs Loch K. Johnson, Regents Professor of Public and International Affairs, School of Public and International Affairs, University of Georgia (U.S.A.) Paul Wilkinson, Professor of International Relations and Chairman of the Advisory Board, Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence, University of St. Andrews (U.K.) Members Vice Admiral Arthur K. Cebrowski, USN (Ret.), former Director of Force Transformation, Office of the Secretary of Defense (U.S.A.) Eliot A. Cohen, Robert E. Osgood Professor of Strategic Studies and Director, Philip Merrill Center for Strategic Studies, Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University (U.S.A.) Anthony H. Cordesman, Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy, Center for Strategic and International Studies (U.S.A.) Therese Delpech, Senior Research Fellow, CERI (Atomic Energy Commission), Paris (France) Sir Michael Howard, former Professor of History of War, Oxford University, and Professor of Military and Naval History, Yale University (U.K.) Lieutenant General Claudia J. Kennedy, USA (Ret.), former Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, Headquarters, Department of the Army (U.S.A.) Paul M. Kennedy, J. Richardson Dilworth Professor of History and Director, International Security Studies, Yale University (U.S.A.) Robert J. O'Neill, former Chichele Professor of the History of War, All Souls College, Oxford University (Australia) Shibley Telhami, Anwar Sadat Chair for Peace and Development, Department of Government and Politics, University of Maryland (U.S.A.) Jusuf Wanandi, co-founder and member, Board of Trustees, Centre for Strategic and International Studies (Indonesia) Fareed Zakaria, Editor, Newsweek International (U.S.A.)

The Maltese Cross A Strategic History of Malta DENNIS CASTILLO

Contributions in Military Studies, Number 229

PRAEGER SECURITY INTERNATIONAL Westport, Connecticut . London

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Castillo, Dennis A. (Dennis Angelo), 1958The Maltese Cross : a strategic history of Malta / Dennis Castillo. p. cm.—(Contributions in military studies, ISSN 0883-6884 ; no. 229) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-313-32329-1 (alk. paper) 1. Malta—History. I. Title. II. Series. DG990. C35 2006 945.8'5—dc22 2005019184 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2006 by Dennis Castillo All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2005019184 ISBN: 0-313-32329-1 ISSN: 0883-6884 First published in 2006 Praeger Security International, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.praeger.com Printed in the United States of America

<~r The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48-1984). 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

For my parents, Pasquale and Josephine (Zammit) Castillo, in admiration and gratitude for all the crosses they have borne, in war and peace, for myself and for my brothers Charlie and Patrick.

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Contents

Acknowledgments 1

The Maltese Islands

ix 1

2 Malta before the Knights

17

3 The Knights of Malta

39

4 The Great Siege of 1565

55

5

79

Hospitaller Malta

6 The French Revolution and the Knights of Malta

95

7 The Maltese Revolt of 1798

113

8

129

British Malta

9 Malta and World War II: The Italian Phase

147

10 Malta and World War II: The German Phase

167

11 Operation Pedestal

193

12 Modern Malta

217

Notes

227

Bibliography

249

Index

255

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Acknowledgments

I would like to express my gratitude to the following organizations and institutions for their assistance in my research: Cathedral Museum Mdina, Hypogeum, Library of Congress, Malta Maritime Museum, National Library and Archives, National Museum of Archeology, National War Museum, Palace Armoury, University of Malta, and the Vittoriosa 1565 Museum. The following individuals have also been of tremendous help. Thanks to Captain Charles Castillo (retired), of the Armed Forces of Malta, for his generosity, hospitality, and knowledge of the islands; Dr. Michael Stroud, curator of the Palace Armoury, for his assistance with the impressive collection under his care; Rev. Lynn Morgan for his technical assistance; Sr. Tiburtia Gorecki, CSSF, of Christ the King Seminary Library, for her great assistance in securing critical materials through interlibrary loan; and last but not least, thanks to my wife, Kathleen Murphy Castillo, for her proofreading and translation assistance as well as her overall love and support.

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1

The Maltese Islands The finest heap of rock in the world. George Bernard Shaw

is A story of how even the smallest of peoples can alter the course of world events. In the case of the island nation of Malta, situated at the crossroads of the Mediterranean Sea, such opportunities presented themselves frequently. In fact, it is truly amazing that so much history can have occurred in so small a place. Much of this history has been painful and, if given the choice, the Maltese people would have preferred that these many crosses had passed from them. Yet, when shouldering these burdens proved unavoidable, this peaceful people displayed the remarkable ability to assume the character of their native rock and endure great hardships. Two of these crosses have been well documented-the 1565 invasion by the Ottoman Turks and the two-and-a-half-year ordeal of hunger and bombardment Malta suffered during World War II. One of the goals of this work is to set these two important military events within the broader context of Maltese history. Another is to address neglected areas of Maltese military history. For example, little has been written on Malta prior to the arrival of the Knights of St. John in 1530. The views of the Maltese themselves have been too often neglected. They are not just part of the scenery. They played a pivotal role in the various contests waged over the islands. Before going any further, a brief discussion is necessary on what is meant by the word Malta. In the geographic sense, the word Malta refers to the largest of the Maltese Islands. Politically, it is also the name for the THIS

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THE MALTESE CROSS

nation comprising all of these islands. In the pages that follow, every effort will be made to clarify when Malta is referring to only the main island. LOCATION

It is not possible to understand Maltese history without a careful consideration of the land itself. Rarely has knowledge of the terrain been so important to gaining insight into the history of a people and their role in world events. The Mediterranean Sea is 2,300 miles long from Gibraltar to Beirut, and 1,100 miles wide from Trieste to the Gulf of Sidra. Malta is located in the heart of the Mediterranean, positioned almost at its exact center, being 1,100 miles east of Gibraltar and 650 miles south of Trieste. Furthermore, as one moves toward the center of the Mediterranean, the sea narrows at the point where North Africa and Sicily come closest, a 100-mile gap known as the Sicilian Narrows. Southeast of this gap lie the Maltese Islands. Malta is thus situated at a strategic point between north and south, that is, between southern Europe and North Africa, as well as between east and west, that is, Western Europe and the Middle East. Geographically and culturally, the Maltese Islands are part of Europe, but with strong influences from North Africa and the Middle East. As far as Malta's relation to other Mediterranean ports is concerned, it is 1,102 miles (1,836 kilometers) to the east of Gibraltar and 911 miles (1,519 kilometers) west of Alexandria. Table 1.1 lists the distance from Malta to other modern ports. The closest landmasses to Malta are Sicily and North Africa. The islands are 185 miles east of Tunisia and 200 miles north of Tripoli and the North African coast. Sicily lies approximately 60 miles (97 kilometers) to the north, the closest point being Cape Passero on the southeastern coast. One way to envision Malta's place in the Mediterranean is to begin with the popular image of the Italian peninsula as a boot about to kick the football of Sicily. Malta would be the tee upon which Sicily is set. The weather on the whole is sunny, warm, and dry. The rainiest month is December (3.81 inches) and the hottest month is July (92°F or 33.2°C). Occasional storm systems that pass through the islands are the xlokk or sirocco from the south, the magistral from the northwest, the tramuntana from the north, and the grigal from the northeast.

THE ISLANDS

Malta is an archipelago consisting of three inhabited islands and several tiny, uninhabited ones, with a total land area of only 122 square miles

4

THE MALTESE CROSS

Table 1.1 Port Tripoli Palermo Tunis Messina Benghazi Athens Algiers Toulon Rhodes Istanbul Alexandria Gibraltar Suez Canal

Distance of Malta from Various Ports Sea Miles from Malta 200 250 250 350 450 550 650 700 750 875 900 1,100 1,100

(316 square kilometers). The three inhabited islands are Malta, Gozo, and Comino. The largest island by far is Malta, with a land area of 95 square miles or 246 kilometers. Malta is 17 miles (27 kilometers) long from the northwest to the southeast and it is 9 miles (14.5 kilometers) across at its widest point. The island is much higher on the western side, with cliffs along the coast, and slopes gently downward to the eastern shore where most of the bays and harbors are located. There are no lakes or rivers. The origin of the name Malta is disputed. Some argue that the name comes from malat, the Phoenician word for harbor; others that it stems from the Greek word melt, meaning honey, due to the popularity of that Maltese product in ancient times. In Roman times it was known as Melita, from which comes the modern word Malta. Most of the historical events that involve the islands occurred on Malta due to the fact that practically all of the major harbors and bays are on the main island. The next largest island, in terms of both size and population, is Gozo. It has a land area of 26 square miles (67 kilometers). It is 9 miles long (14.5 kilometers) at its greatest length and 4.5 miles at its greatest width (7 kilometers). While one-quarter of the size of Malta, it usually has a population one-tenth the size, and has always been the more rural of the two islands. The name Gozo has developed over time in many stages, and is itself a symbol of the many nations that have come to these islands. The Phoenicians called it Gawl, a reference to their ships, whose shape was similar to that of Gozo. Under the Romans, the name became Gaulos, then Ghawdex under the Arabs, Godzo under the Spanish, and from there it became the modern

THE MALTESE ISLANDS

5

N j

Gozo. It is the closest of the islands to Sicily, and was probably the first of the archipelago to be settled. It is separated from the main island of Malta by a channel 5 miles (8 kilometers) wide. In this channel between Malta and Gozo lies the small island of Comino, which has an area of only 1 square mile (2.5 square kilometers). Comino (or Kemmuna in Maltese) took its name from the cumin seed, which was prevalent there. It is the least populated of the three inhabited islands, with only a handful of farmers living there. Today it is used mostly for swimming, diving, and other water sports. Especially popular among visitors is the beautiful Blue Lagoon on the southern coast of Comino. In addition to Malta, Gozo, and Comino, there are a few uninhabited islets. Next to Comino is Cominotto. Off the west coast of Gozo is Fungus Rock, which takes its name from a black fungus growing there. It was prominent in Maltese folk medicine, which believed that the fungus was good for treating hemorrhages and dysentery. When the medically savvy

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THE MALTESE CROSS

Knights of St. John (the Hospitallers) came to Malta, they had a permanent guard kept in the tower on Gozo overlooking the island.1 The main island of Malta also has its own tiny satellites. In the north at the entrance of St. Paul's Bay lies St. Paul's Island where, according to tradition, the apostle's ship ran aground. A few miles offshore on the other side of Malta lies Filfla, a small island that takes its name from the filfel pepper. Among its few residents is a dark-green lizard with red spots found only on this small rock. It is a hardy creature that has survived Filfla's only human use, that is, as a target for naval gunnery practice. THE HARBORS

The island of Malta has a coastline of 82 miles or 137 kilometers, with many harbors and bays. Gozo's coastline is 26 miles or 43 kilometers, with a few bays but no large harbors. All the large harbors and bays are on the main island of Malta. The most significant anchorage in all of the Maltese Islands is the appropriately named Grand Harbour, on the eastern coast of Malta. It is in fact two huge harbors divided by a peninsula where the capitol of Valletta is situated. Grand Harbour itself lies on the southern side of Valletta. It is 4,000 yards long from breakwater to shore, and one mile at its greatest width. Five creeks, all capable of accommodating large ships, furthermore intersect it. These are Marsa, French, Dockyard, Kalkara, and Rinella Creeks. On the northern side of Valletta lies the other harbor, called Marsamxett. This is 3,100 yards by 1,300 yards and is itself intersected by four large creeks-Pieta, Msida, Lazzaretto, and Sliema. Altogether, the total space of the greater harbor area is 6.8 square miles or 7 percent of total area of the island of Malta. Counting both the main harbors and the sizeable creeks, there are eleven different anchorages. The other major harbor on the island of Malta is Marsaxlokk, which is on the southern coast. In ancient times the Phoenicians preferred Marsaxlokk to Grand Harbour. The entrance is a mile wide and the harbor itself is 1.75 miles at its widest and also 1.75 miles at its greatest length. In addition to the major harbors, there are three large bays on the island of Malta: Mellieha Bay in the north, St. Paul's Bay in the northeast, and Pretty Bay in the south. Altogether, there are a total of thirteen bays on the island of Malta, and practically all are on the well-indented eastern coast. The only significant anchorages on the western coast are Paradise Bay and Golden Bay. The other islands possess no large harbors. Gozo has six bays, the most significant being Ramla Bay, and Comino has two. Altogether there are a total of twenty-seven separate havens for ships in the Maltese Islands.

THE MALTESE ISLANDS

7

THE LAND Despite the number of active and extinct volcanoes in the Mediterranean, the Maltese Islands are composed entirely of sedimentary rock. The sedimentary deposits were all laid down between 40 million and 15 million years ago during the Oligocene and Miocene periods of the Tertiary geological epoch. Originally, an ancient sea called Tethys, which was much larger than the

8

THE MALTESE CROSS

present Mediterranean Sea, covered what is now Malta. In the late Tertiary epoch this sea regressed far below the current sea level, exposing not only what would become the Maltese Islands but also connecting them to modern Sicily and southern Italy, and possibly even North Africa. Toward the end of the Pleistocene era 14,000 years ago, the glaciers receded and the sea level rose 120 meters. This severed the Maltese Islands from Sicily, and they have retained their geographic independence ever since.2 The western halves of Malta and Gozo are higher than the eastern, giving the islands a sloping look at sea level. There are cliffs on the west coast, the most famous being the Dingli Cliffs on Malta. With its low rainfall, most of the water comes from wells. The soil is composed primarily of blue clay and green sand and is surprisingly fertile considering that there is virtually no rain in the summer months. Due to concern about soil erosion, the rural areas are crisscrossed by stone walls. For the most part tree cultivation is limited to orchards, which include citrus fruits, carobs, figs, and olives. The question of natural resources can be a tricky one. Today, the lack of rainfall and the abundance of sunshine have been a great boon to the tourist industry. As far as military strategy is concerned, the scarcity of water during the summer campaigning season was also an advantage, in that an invader preparing for a long siege needed to bring its own water supply. We have already examined two of Malta's greatest natural resources as far as military history is concerned, that is, its location and its harbors. The third to be considered is its abundance of limestone for the construction of fortifications and shelters. THE ROCK

Two types of limestone constitute the bulk of the Maltese Islands. These are the hard and multicolored coralline limestone and the softer, yellow globigerina limestone. These are distributed in three different layers. At the top is the upper coralline layer, beneath which lays the globigerina, and at the bottom lies the lower coralline.3 Geologically, the islands can be visualized as one great pie, with a top and bottom crust composed of coralline limestone and filled with the softer globerigina limestone. Limestone is a sedimentary rock composed entirely, or in large part, of calcium carbonate. It is ordinarily white but may take on different colors if impurities, such as iron oxide or carbon, are present. Most limestones are formed by the deposition and consolidation of the skeletons of marine invertebrates. Coralline limestone is composed of corals. It varies in color from nearly white to gray to red. It is much harder than the globigerina in its native state and resists weathering, but it is also less even in texture. Coralline limestone has a tendency to fracture both horizontally and vertically, thus producing

THE MALTESE ISLANDS

9

natural slabs of stone, which made it popular with the earliest inhabitants of Malta, who built the great megalithic temples. The stone was particularly well suited for assembling the exterior of the buildings. The upper coralline limestone is the youngest rock from the Tertiary epoch and forms a crust approximately of 250 feet thick.4 Older than upper coralline, globigerina limestone has a fascinating origin. It takes its name from the small marine animals of the genus Globigerina whose remains make up this rock. These animals were small mollusks having a calcareous shell that lived long ago. Feeding on plankton, they lived near the surface of the ocean while young, but gravitated deeper as they aged. When the animals died, the shells would fall into the mud at the bottom of the sea. When this happened in large numbers, as in the case of the area around Malta, it would form what is known as globigerina ooze. Over time, this ooze formed the sedimentary rock known as globigerina limestone. While composed largely of the shell remnants of these animals, vertebrate remains continue to be found from time to time. On a sunny day the yellow globigerina limestone makes a beautiful sight next to the deep blue sea. But its chief popularity lies in its utility. Globigerina is easily quarried and cut into blocks, making it over time the most widely used building material on Malta. It is very soft when first quarried and is easy to work with. In this condition, it can be carved to make intricate and elaborate designs for decoration, or carved in whatever shape is required for more practical needs. What has made this rock useful for its military as well as civilian use, however, is that after it has been carved, on subsequent exposure to the air, it develops a hard, protective skin or patina. The globigerina deposit lying below the upper coralline crust is on average 200 feet thick. Below the globigerina is the bottom of the Maltese geological pie, a layer of lower coralline limestone. This is the oldest rock on the islands. It is rarely exposed on Malta, but there are outcroppings on Gozo, in particular the cliffs of Gozo and the beautiful Azure Window. Like the upper coralline, lower coralline limestone is very hard. The layer of this stone is approximately 500 feet thick. THE FIRST INHABITANTS

Humans settled on Malta relatively late in prehistoric times. Animal remains, on the other hand, are much older. Evidence for this has been found in Ghar Dalam, the Cave of Darkness, near the present-day village of Birzebugia on the southeast coast of Malta. In this cave have been found the fossil and skeletal remains of a variety of roaming animals from both Europe and Africa. These have included dwarf hippopotami and elephants from the south and wild boar, red deer, and antelopes from the north. These remains give tangible evidence that the archipelago was once part of a land bridge between Europe

10

THE MALTESE CROSS

and Africa when the sea level was much lower than today. These animals roamed freely until the coming of the great floods about 700,000 years ago, which separated the Maltese islands from these two continents.5 The consensus among scholars is that the first human settlers of the Maltese islands came from Sicily. On a clear day, the islands can be seen from Sicily's Cape Passero. There is also general agreement that the original settlement took place approximately 7,000 years ago or 5,000 BCE. Both the origin of the settlers and the time of their arrival have been confirmed by the oldest pottery remains found in Malta, which bear a close resemblance to the impressed pottery of the Stentinello culture of Sicily from about the same time. The numerous caves on both Malta and Gozo provided the first shelter, followed soon after by simple huts, grouped into small villages. The earliest remains of these first settlers have been discovered at Skorba, just outside the village of Zebbieh on Malta. There are others, however, who claim that Gozo, being closest to Sicily, was the first of the islands to be settled. The reason these people came to the Maltese islands was the need for more land to cultivate. In the Neolithic period, farming required continual movement since the use of primitive fertilizers, such as manures, and crop rotation had not been discovered. Once the local land on Sicily had been utilized, the sight of the Maltese islands off in the distance must have lured the first settlers. What they learned upon arrival was that these islands were quite fertile and abundant in game. Apparently, the Maltese islands were far more lush than at present, and this more abundant vegetation helped retain the light soil, as well as preventing the rainwater from running off.6 In addition to fertility, Malta also provided the early settlers the relative safety of an island home, reducing the threat of attack. Thus the early settlers of the Maltese Islands were able to benefit from a fertile land and enjoy it in peace. The first colonists were at the Neolithic stage of cultural development. They had abandoned hunting and gathering for agriculture, learned to make pottery, and used polished as well as chipped stone implements. They still did not have knowledge of metals and, since the Maltese islands lacked deposits of copper, iron, or tin, there was no opportunity for the early Maltese to learn metallurgy. They seemed to get along quite well without metals, however, and it is remarkable what the islanders could build without metal tools, even after nearby cultures in Sicily began working with copper and bronze.7 In time, the combination of peace, prosperity, and an ample supply of local limestone would provide the ingredients needed for the great civilization erected by a people known to us only as the Temple Builders.

THE TEMPLE BUILDERS

Around 3600 BCE, dramatic changes began to take place on the Maltese Islands with the construction of numerous stone temples made out of huge

THE MALTESE ISLANDS

11

rock slabs set in circular patterns. Over time these structures became increasingly intricate and ornate. Originally used for the worship of various gods, later they came to be used as burial places. Carbon dating has determined that these megalithic structures are the oldest buildings still in existence. Constructed between 3600 and 3000 BCE, they are older than the pyramids of Egypt (2600 BCE) and England's Stonehenge (2000 BCE). The oldest one, called Ggantija and located on Gozo, consists of coralline limestone slabs standing 20 feet (6.67 meters) above the ground, each weighing many tons. The temples built later on the island of Malta made greater use of globigerina limestone to carve beautiful and intricate interiors. Especially noteworthy in this regard are the temples at Hagar Qim, Mnajdra, and Tarxien. These were built on high ground and featured two, three, or more elliptical chambers connected by passages. A very different kind of temple is the Hypogeum of Hal Saflieni, which was constructed underground out of living rock. Built about 3000 BCE, it began as a place of worship and later became a burial site.8 The altars in the temples come in various shapes. For example, the mushroom-shaped altar at Hagar Qim has a raised rim all around the top, as if to retain liquid. Other altars are of a more simple design, being horizontal blocks of stone. Some, such as at Tarxien, are hollow and filled with bones. The remains in these altars show that the sacrificial animals were cattle, sheep (or goats), and pigs. There is no evidence of human sacrifice ever being practiced.9 As far as the Hypogeum was concerned, it was primarily a tomb, or better put, a vast collection of tomb chambers. By focusing on one small area of the Hypogeum and studying the human remains there, Sir Themistocles Zammit, the pioneer in Maltese archeological research, was able to estimate that about 7,000 individuals had been buried there. 10 One of the most curious legacies of the Temple Builders era is the Cart Tracks, a series of parallel ruts 54 inches apart (349 centimeters) that were cut into the surface of rock. These are found on both Malta and Gozo. Sometimes these tracks intersect with each other. At a spot near Dingli so many come together there that it has been nicknamed Clapham Station after a stop on the London railway. There is general agreement that these are definitely not real cart tracks. The tracks were probably used for sledges, pulled by either men or animals, to move heavy loads about the islands. What makes these tracks even more of an enigma, however, is that carbon dating places them at 2500 BCE, too late for the most obvious heavy moving job on the Maltese Islands, that is, the moving of the large slabs to build the megalithic temples. One theory on the possible use for these tracks is that they were used to move the precious topsoil on the islands from the low-lying areas to the hills to create terraces and expand the amount of tillable land.11 The economy of the Temple Builders was agricultural with a significant amount of stock breeding, evidenced by the numerous bones from sacrifices in the temples. These bones, as well as representations of domestic animals, indicated the cultivation of cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs.

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THE MALTESE CROSS

It appears that the early Maltese were also active in trade with other peoples. As seen earlier, the geology of the Maltese Islands is rich in building materials, but it lacked the metals and other resources used elsewhere by other Neolithic peoples, such as flint. Artifacts of nonnative flint have been found from the earliest periods and must have been brought from Sicily. Evidence of trade is also revealed by developments in Maltese pottery, which show Sicilian influence. Later, the presence of black volcanic glass, or obsidian, shows contact with the Lipari Islands, which were a major exporter of this material. 12 Over time, as evidenced by pottery artifacts, new trade contacts developed. At first these contacts were to the north and west of the islands, with southeastern Italy, Sardinia, and southern France. Later contacts were made to the east with the Aegean cultures, principally Minoan Crete. Thus we can see that the isolated Maltese Islands were becoming part of a larger world, connected by a web of trade relations with other lands of the Mediterranean. It is not known what the Maltese exported in exchange for these goods. Judging by the later popularity of Maltese wool and lace in Roman times, it could be that textiles might have been among their exports. 13 Maltese honey was also popular in Roman times. Then, of course, we must not forget the temples. It is possible that they brought visitors, who exchanged goods for the animals to be sacrificed to the gods on their behalf. Dr. Simon Stoddart of Cambridge, through his study of burial sites, has estimated that during this period the population of the Maltese Islands reached 10,000. 14 The civilization of the Temple Builders was peaceful. There were no weapons of any kind in this period. No spearheads have been found and the few hollow-based, obsidian arrowheads found in the temple complexes come from a later period. Archaeologist John D. Evans found this complete absence of weapons curious: "Lack of weapons for the chase implies lack of weapons for war, and certainly insofar as we can judge from the evidence, no more peaceable society seems ever to have existed... the earth seems to have yielded the primitive Maltese a living on fairly easy terms, for otherwise they would scarcely have had time or energy to spare to elaborate their strange cults and build and adorn their temples." 15 THE DESTROYERS The remarkable civilization of the Temple Builders that developed over sixteen centuries disappeared suddenly in 2000 BCE, with only the silent temples remaining as their legacy. Their rich civilization was replaced by a cruder and less advanced culture, backward in every way except for the possession of metal tools and weapons. The suddenness of this civilization's fall led Evans to state, "Here is no gradual decline, no evolution of a culture into something different, not even the blend of a newly arrived dominant

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13

culture with survivals from the old. The temple-culture is seemingly at the very apex of its development when it disappears.... Its successor has completely different traditions, technological, aesthetic, religious. Nothing in the later prehistoric material warrant the assumption that any of the original people survived."16 One theory is that the civilization suffered a sudden collapse due to ideological conflict between local groups. 17 Another is that the islands were depopulated by a plague and later resettled by new people. But this view presumed a gap between the last of the Temple Builders and the arrival of the newcomers. The evidence, however, is that the former came to an abrupt end, followed immediately by artifacts of the new civilization. Such a transition argues more for invasion than for plague. While still open for debate, it appears likely that the peaceful Temple Builders were conquered and exterminated by invaders from overseas equipped with copper axes and daggers and obsidian-tipped arrows. If this is true, then the military history of Malta begins with the overthrow of the Temple Builders. In 2000 BCE there occurred an invasion of the Maltese islands by an unknown bronze-using people whom Evans named the Destroyers. The remains of the Destroyers are concentrated at one site; archaeologists officially know the cremation cemetery found at the Tarxien temples, and thus call the group the Tarxien Cemetery culture. After supplanting the temple people, the invaders settled at the existing temple at Tarxien. The evidence for the origin of the Tarxien Cemetery people seems to point to their coming from the southernmost end of Italy's heel. Only in this part of Italy are to be found burial chambers made of upright stones and capped by a horizontal stone, known as dolmens, which are almost identical in construction to those in Malta from this period. This civilization was located in the Otranto area. 18 The Destroyers remained in control of Malta for approximately 700 years. Then about 1400 BCE they were overthrown by the invasion of another Bronze Age people originating from Sicily. These people settled in Borg in-Nadur, near St. George's Bay, north of modern Birzebbuga. There are no records of the fighting, but it appears to have been a protracted struggle due to the number of defensive positions constructed at this time. The Borg in-Nadur remains have been found at a number of sites, almost all of which are located on naturally defensible sites, some of which were reinforced by massive stone walls. There were basically two types of settlements. Some were on flat-topped hills. The others were constructed on the triangular promontories formed by the intersection of valleys or gulleys, with a defensive wall built across the open end. The best example of this type of settlement is that of Borg inNadur itself, having the most massive remains of a defensive wall of all the settlements. In the south near the large bay called Marsaxlokk, it was a triangular settlement incorporating one of the old temples. No longer a place

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THE MALTESE CROSS

of worship, it had become the settlement's kitchen, where the women ground flour and cooked. 19 As for the great defensive wall, the central portion was a semicircle, being straight at both ends. It was twelve to fourteen feet high and averaged four and a half feet wide. These successors of the Destroyers occupied Malta undisturbed for five centuries. During that period, changes in their pottery indicate influences from Sicily and the Italian mainland. These changes were gradual and peaceful. This development produced the last prehistoric civilization on Malta, an Iron Age culture situated at Bahrija, a settlement site on a hillside near the southwestern coast of Malta, after which the phase is named. The Bahrija phase began in approximately 900 BCE and continued for a little more than 100 years before the first appearance of the Phoenicians, after which commences the recorded history of Malta. 20 CONCLUSION

Through an odd accident of geology and geography, the creation of the Maltese Islands produced a small land, with an enormous harbor, in the middle of the Mediterranean, and endowed it with an abundance of easily workable building materials. This would create the potential for a heavily fortified naval base in a very strategic position. If the islands should be occupied by a power with the ability and determination to take advantage of these attributes, any opponent would be required to field a large army to invade the islands. Here is where the smallness of Malta plays into its greatness as a strategic base. Should Malta become fortified, adequately provisioned, and sufficiently garrisoned, it would require an invasion force larger than the resident population. So large a force could not possibly live off the land and would be compelled to bring its own food and water. By the end of the prehistoric era, a number of characteristics had already emerged that are key to understanding Malta's place in history. To begin with, the ancient Maltese, as exemplified by the Temple Builders, were a very religious people. In future trials the faith of the Maltese would give them the strength to endure great hardships. Second, the islanders already had proven extraordinary ability in working with their native stone. This was demonstrated not only in the great temples, but also in the fortified walls built by later inhabitants. Future powers using the islands as a base could rely upon the Maltese not only as a militia to supplement the main garrison, but also for their expertise as stonemasons in constructing fortifications. Finally, the isolation and relative security of being an island was found to be unreliable. For a time the islanders were able to use their peaceful isolation to create the rich temple culture, while still benefiting from trade with the outside world. The Temple Builders were among the first to discover, however, that while the sea could bring merchants and visitors, it

THE MALTESE ISLANDS

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could also bring invaders. Much of Maltese history can be written as the tension between the blessings and curses of the sea. In practical terms, it showed that the islanders needed to think about their defenses. Living in a small land, however, the natives could never be numerous enough to resist an invasion by a great power unaided. What was needed was a stronger nation, preferably a sea power, who could make the most of Malta's location and harbors and, with the resources of the native population, prosper along with the Maltese. The first people to join with the Maltese in this way were the Phoenicians.

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2

Malta before the Knights

Tiny Rock of History and Romance

Winston Churchill

PHOENICIAN MALTA The Phoenicians were a Semitic-speaking people noted for trade living along a narrow coastal strip of the eastern Mediterranean. One of their major cities, By bios, was engaged in trade with Egypt as early as c. 2800 BCE. They were organized into city-states, the most notable being Tyre, Sidon, Tripoli, Aradus, and By bios. By 1250 BCE the Phoenicians had established themselves as the dominant navigators and traders of the Mediterranean world. Phoenician ships sailed the whole of the Mediterranean, from Spain to the Turkish coast. It is also believed that their expeditions carried them outside of the Mediterranean, to England for tin, down the western coast of Africa, and possibly even further around Africa to the Pacific. While they used their ships to carry various articles of trade, they had a monopoly on the great cedars of their native Lebanon, as well as the popular dye they developed, Tyrian purple. In addition to their home cities, the Phoenicians also founded posts and colonies throughout the Mediterranean. Of these the most important were Utica and Carthage in North Africa, founded in the ninth century BCE. In establishing these colonies, the Phoenicians were not looking for land to settle, but rather anchorages and staging points along their trade routes. In addition to North Africa, colonies were established in Sicily, Malta, Sardinia, and the Balearic Islands. The Phoenicians lacked the population to

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THE MALTESE CROSS

establish large colonies. As a result, the colonies were established usually on offshore islands or easily defensible promontories with sheltered beaches on which ships could be drawn ashore. The modern cities of Cadiz, Genoa, and Marseilles also originated as Phoenician trading posts. It is estimated that the Phoenicians arrived at Malta about 800 BCE. Malta provided a valuable haven between the eastern and western parts of their trade network. In addition to its location, this seafaring people was attracted to its harbors, especially Marsaxlokk in the south. The Phoenicians preferred it to Grand Harbour, possibly because it faced the trade route to the south and it was easier to draw the boats onto the beach there, whereas the land around Grand Harbour is steeper. The Phoenicians called the larger island of Malta Malat, a word meaning "refuge." According to Thucydides, Malta was settled by the Phoenicians before the Greeks arrived in Sicily.1 The best ancient source for the Phoenician settlement is the first-century BCE writer Diodorus of Sicily. He stated that the Phoenicians came to Malta as they were extending their trade into the western half of the Mediterranean and regarded it as a safe retreat for their ships, "since it was well supplied with harbours and lay out in the open sea." He also described a fruitful relationship between the Phoenicians and the natives, saying that "the inhabitants of this island, since they received assistance in many respects through the sea-merchants, shot up quickly in their manner of living and increased in renown." According to Antonia Ciasca, the Phoenician settlements on Malta often coincided with sites already intensively inhabited by the Bronze Age natives. The continuity of artifacts of the earlier inhabitants indicates that the two groups lived together peaceably.3 In addition to trade and commerce, the Phoenicians also influenced Maltese religious life through the construction of temples to their gods. One was dedicated to Melkart, the Phoenician Hercules. All that remains of this temple are two large marble cippi or candelabra bearing the inscriptions of the donors: "To Melkart, Our Lord of the City of Tyre this vow is dedicated by Abdosir and his brother Osirxamar both sons of Osirxamar son of Abdosir, hear them and bless them." Because the inscription was translated into Greek, this Maltese Rosetta Stone became the basis for the deciphering of the Phoenician language. The prehistoric temple at Tas-Silg, near Marsaxlokk, was also reconstructed by the Phoenicians and dedicated to the goddess Astarte. Malta found its way into Phoenician mythology as well. The firstcentury Latin poet Ovid, in his poem Fasti, refers to the goddess Anna Perenna, the sister of Dido, the founder of Carthage. Ovid tells the story that after the death of Dido, who committed suicide after being abandoned by Aeneas, Carthage was defenseless and was invaded by the Numidians under the command of Iarba the Moor, a former suitor of Dido. Iarba seized the palace and Anna, after paying her respects to Dido's tomb, fled to Malta: "There is a fertile island Melite, lashed by the waves of the Libyan

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sea. . . .Anna steered for it, trusting to the king's hospitality, which she had known of old; for Battus there was king, a wealthy host. When he learned the misfortunes of the two sisters, 'This land,' said he, 'small though it be, is thine.'" According to the legend, Anna stayed for over two years on Malta before being forced to flee from her powerful brother Pygmalion: "Her brother came and demanded her surrender with threat of war. The king loathed arms and said to Anna, 'We are unwarlike. Do thou seek safety in flight.' At his bidding she fled and committed her bark to the wind and the waves. Her brother was more cruel than any sea." 4 On the subject of mythology, there are many who assert that Gozo is the island of Calypso, where in Homer's Odyssey, Odysseus was held for seven years. By about 600 BCE, in addition to Malta, the Phoenicians had established colonies along the North African coast and in the western and northern areas of Sicily. Meanwhile the Greeks had been settling in southern Italy, as well as southern and eastern Sicily. Unlike the Phoenicians, the Greeks were looking for land to settle their growing population; thus their colonies were larger. In time these Greek settlements in Italy and Sicily came to be known as Magna Graecia. Up until this time, the Phoenicians had appreciated Malta as a port for trade. Now, for the first time in its history, the Maltese Islands became important for strategic purposes as well, and the Phoenician presence increased. This was a significant milestone in the military history of Malta. According to Professor Anthony Bonnano of the University of Malta, with the colonization of the greater part of Sicily by the Greeks in the second half of the 8th century and the seventh century B.C., Malta assumed for the first time a strategic importance in the contest between these two commercial, as well as military, power blocs... the Phoenicians had already taken control of the most direct route from the east (via Crete) to the west (to Carthage and beyond) through Malta, leaving the Greeks with no other choice but to take a more northerly one, namely through the straits of Messina.5

CARTHAGINIAN MALTA

The growing power of the Greeks in the western Mediterranean, as well as the subjugation of the Phoenician homeland by the Babylonians, led one of the larger colonies to assume dominance over the other Phoenician settlements. This was Carthage (from the Phoenician Kart-Hadasht, or New City). Traditionally founded on the north coast of Africa by the Phoenicians of Tyre in 814 BCE, the wealthy city-state was built on a peninsula jutting into the Gulf of Tunis. In 580 BCE, Carthage came to the aid of the Phoenicians of Sicily when the Greeks attempted to conquer the cities of Motya and Panormus (Palermo). The Carthaginians succeeded in preserving

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THE MALTESE CROSS

Phoenician control of western Sicily, and strengthened Phoenician positions in Sardinia and Corsica as well. In 480 BCE, Carthage, as part of renewed fighting in Sicily, occupied the Maltese Islands. The Carthaginians allowed their Phoenician compatriots a form of partial home rule, including a senate and an assembly of the people as well as the authority to mint local coinage.6 Many historians believe that the increased number of rock-cut tombs in the center of the island is evidence that Carthage increased the population of Malta. What is certain is that under Carthage, settlement moved inland and towns were founded in the centers of both Malta and Gozo. These are modern Mdina in Malta and modern Victoria in Gozo, then known as Gaulos. Hamilcar Barca is thought to have resided in Malta in the vicinity of modern Rabat at a place known today as Hal-Barka, and some have argued that the great Carthaginian general Hannibal might have been born in Malta as well.7 During the Carthaginian period, port facilities at Grand Harbour, which faces northeast toward Sicily, were constructed. In the eighteenth century, during drainage work on the silted-up inner basin at Marsa, the remains of this ancient port were found. These included large warehouses and a wharf that was approximately 1,400 yards long. Further excavations in 1947 and 1959 revealed additional wharves and storehouses in the same area.8 The conflict which saw the direct Carthaginian occupation of Malta was only the first round of a long struggle for the control of Sicily. In 480 BCE, Carthage took advantage of intercity fighting between the Greeks to advance its position on the large island. Carthage went confidently into the conflict, relying upon its powerful navy. At the battle of Himera off the northern Sicilian coast, however, their fleet suffered a disastrous defeat at the hands of Gelon of Syracuse, along with his allies. A long truce ensued, but Carthage waited for an opportunity to avenge its defeat. This came in 410 when Segesta, an ally in Sicily, became involved in war. Carthage, with Segesta and the Phoenician cities of Sicily, went on the offensive. The allies captured and destroyed the coastal Sicilian city of Selinunte (Selinus), Segesta's longtime enemy. The Carthaginians then moved across Sicily toward Himera, picking up along the way support from native Sicel and Siculi towns. The Greek cities, led by Syracuse, were unable to stop the Carthaginian juggernaut and Himera was conquered, bringing this phase of the Sicilian war to a close with Carthage in control of northern and western Sicily.9 In time, however, the Greeks recovered and during the fourth century Sicily was engulfed in a series of wars as the powerful city-state of Syracuse led the rest of the Greeks in campaigns to drive the Carthaginians out of Sicily. The fighting finally ended in 301 BCE with a peace that left Carthage in control of northwestern Sicily.10 While Malta's port facilities, particularly the newly developed ones at Grand Harbour, would have supported the Carthaginian war effort, there is also an interesting theory put forward by

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21

Pablo Gonzalez that the Temple of Astarte at Tas-Silg, near the southern harbor of Marsaxlokk, was a neutral zone during the conflict. Basing his argument on the abundance of Greek artifacts at the temple, from both Sicily and Italy, he argues that the Temple of Astarte was an international sanctuary where both Punic and Greek visitors could visit under the protection of the goddess.11 Malta was thus not only a military base but also a safety valve for the interaction between two cultures, Punic and Greek, a bridge between North and South. THE PUNIC WARS

In 288 BCE, Campanian mercenaries hired by the Greeks seized the town of Messana on the straits separating Sicily from Italy. These mercenaries, who called themselves Mamertines (derived from the Oscan name for Mars, the god of war), used Messana as a base for raiding nearby towns. They, in turn, were attacked by Hiero of Syracuse. The Mamertines turned to Carthage for help against Syracuse and received a Carthaginian garrison. Other Mamertines thought this was a mistake and requested Roman assistance against the Carthaginians. Rome feared a Carthaginian foothold so close to its territory. The Romans eventually agreed to protect the Mamertines and went to war with Carthage in 264 BCE, beginning the First Punic War. Malta hoped the fighting would be confined to Sicily like the previous war. The first engagements, however, were not encouraging. The Romans under the command of Appius Claudius Caudex were unstoppable. In the first year of the war, he drove both Carthage and Syracuse from Messana. These Roman successes made allies of the old enemies and in the following year the Roman army, under the command of Consul M. Valerius, turned from Carthage to Syracuse. The Romans were so successful that Hiero defected to the Roman side. The Romans then resumed their attacks on Carthaginian territory and in 261 BCE took Agrigentum, sacking the city and selling the population as slaves. Carthage was now limited to its coastal possessions in western Sicily and Malta. After suffering repeated defeats on land, Carthage turned to its large fleet, which at the beginning of the war numbered 500 quinqueremes. This force, along with the fact that the Romans had no experience with naval combat, comforted Carthaginian Malta in the wake of the earlier defeats. Even if the remainder of Punic Sicily were to fall, the 60 miles separating the Maltese Islands from the invincible Roman army, without control of the seas, might as well be 600. The Roman realized this as well and built their first fleet, the design of which, according to Polybius, was based upon a beached Carthaginian vessel. In the initial small engagements, Carthaginian confidence was reaffirmed. Then the Romans developed for their ships the corvus, a bridge with a spike at the end that could be dropped onto

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THE MALTESE CROSS

Carthaginian ships, allowing the superior Roman troops to board and seize them. By shifting naval contests back into their forte of land combat, the Romans were able to then follow up their initial land victories with naval victories. In 260 BCE, the Romans under Gaius Duilius achieved their first naval victory at Mylae (143 Roman ships versus 130 Carthaginian), sinking fourteen ships and capturing thirty-one.12 The protection afforded by the sea was now lost and the Maltese Islands were vulnerable. In 257 BCE, the Romans named Caius Atilius Regulus as one of its two consuls for that year. His object was the isolation of the Carthaginian forces remaining on Sicily. He began by sailing north of Sicily to the Lipari Islands, defeating the Carthaginian fleet at the Battle of Tyndaris and destroying seventeen ships. Regulus then moved south of Sicily and landed an army on Malta. The Romans then thoroughly devastated and plundered the islands.13 The best source we have for the raid in 257 is the work of the Roman poet Gnaeus Naevius (264-195 BCE). Naevius had served in the First Punic War and commemorated it in the epic poem Bellum Punicum. Considered to be the first Latin epic, only fragments of this work remain. Fortunately, fragment 32, one of the few sizable pieces, describes the Roman attack on Malta: "The Roman force crossed Malta, burned the island which had been untouched before then, destroyed it, and laid waste to it, and made spoil of the enemies' goods." 14 Regulus was rewarded for his victories with a triumph, and we can only imagine what prizes from Malta were displayed to the cheering Roman crowds. The year following the Malta raid seemed to spell final defeat for Carthage. Another Regulus (Marcus Atilius Regulus) was consul and with his fellow consul L. Manlus Vulso achieved yet another naval victory at Ecnomus. The time seemed ripe for an invasion of Carthage itself. Again the Carthaginians were defeated and the year ended with the city besieged. In 255 BCE, thanks to the efforts of a Greek mercenary general, the Romans were routed and Regulus captured. There followed fourteen years of hard struggle, with hundreds of Roman ships and tens of thousands of men lost to combat and storms. By 242 the Roman treasury was exhausted, and the senators themselves provided the money to build 200 quinqueremes. In 241 this fleet was placed under the command of Caius Lutatius Catulus to blockade the Carthaginian port of Lilybaeum (modern Marsala, Sicily). The Carthaginians sent a force of 250 ships under Hanno to relieve the city. The two forces met on March 10 at the Battle of the Aegates Islands. This last Roman fleet shattered the Carthaginian force, sinking fifty vessels and capturing seventy. The Roman admiral was hailed and Hanno crucified.15 The defeat at the Battle of the Aegates Islands compelled Carthage to surrender. The treaties which brought the twenty-three-year war to a conclusion ceded to Rome all of Carthaginian Sicily and the Lipari Islands to the

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23

north of Sicily, and compelled Carthage to freely restore Roman captives while having to pay ransom for their own compatriots, refrain from attacking Syracuse and its allies, and give Rome 1,000 talents immediately and 2,200 more over ten years. As for the Maltese Islands, they were retained by Carthage. With Rome in control of Sicily and Carthage struggling to rebuild after the devastating war, Malta was now on the front line between the two powers. 16 The treaty did not bring a lasting peace but rather proved to be a truce as both sides prepared to resume the conflict. The Carthaginian general Hannibal's defiance of Roman restrictions in Spain renewed hostilities in 218 BCE. At the beginning of the war, Rome decided to campaign on two separate fronts, Spain and Africa. Lots were drawn by the two consuls Cornelius and Sempronius. Consul Cornelius was to make for Spain with a force of 22,000 infantry and 2,200 cavalry, along with sixty warships. He would be supported by a smaller force under the praetor Lucius Manlius, who was dispatched to Gaul with 18,000 infantry and 1,600 cavalry. Consul Sempronius drew Africa and was given two legions, each consisting of 4,000 infantry and 300 cavalry, along with 16,000 infantry and 1,800 cavalry supplied by allied contingents, for a total army of 24,000 infantry and 2,400 cavalry. He was also assigned a fleet of 172 vessels, made up of 160 warships and 12 light galleys. Altogether, Rome was hurling a total of 70,200 troops and 232 warships against Carthage and expected a rapid victory, in stark contrast to the twenty-three years it took to win the first conflict.17 Carthage also planned for a war on two fronts. While Hannibal marched overland from Spain to invade Italy, a Punic force of fifty-five quinqueremes was sent to recover Sicily and raid the Italian coast. A northern task force of twenty ships with 1,000 troops was to retake the Lipari Islands and a southern task force of thirty-five ships with 8,500 soldiers and sailors was to seize the old Carthaginian stronghold of Lilybaeum. In addition to gaining these positions, Carthage hoped successful landings in and around Sicily would provoke a revolt among their Phoenician compatriots. Meanwhile, a force of 2,000 troops under Hamilcar, son of Gisgo, had been positioned on Malta. 18 The offensive did not go well. The northern task force was dispersed by a storm and then set upon by Syracusan ships from Messana, where Hiero of Syracuse happened to be staying while waiting for Sempronius to arrive. Three ships were lost, and the prisoners were interrogated. The existence of the other force heading for Lilybaeum was ascertained and Hiero immediately communicated this information to Praetor M. Aemilius, the governor of Sicily, and recommended dispatching a strong garrison to Lilybaeum. Aemilius did so at once. The southern task force planned on seizing the supposedly unsuspecting port of Lilybaeum by surprise in a predawn attack, taking advantage of a full moon. During the night the Carthaginians had purposely lessened the speed

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THE MALTESE CROSS

of their vessels, so that they might reach Lilybaeum before daylight. They approached with full sails, hoping to sail directly into the harbor before the Romans were aware what was happening, a trick that had worked for them before in the First Punic War. But the garrison at Lilybaeum had been reinforced and the Romans were waiting for them. With their full sails reflecting the moonlight, they were easy to spot and the lookouts sounded the alarm. Seeing that they had lost the element of surprise and could not sail into the harbor, the Carthaginian fleet veered off. They stood out from the harbor and waited until daylight, and spent the time in lowering their masts and preparing for the naval action to come. The Roman fleet sailed from the port, eager to come to close quarters and make a hand-to-hand fight of it. According to Livy, however, the Carthaginians "sought to avoid this and to succeed by maneuvering and not by direct attack; they preferred to make it a battle of ships rather than of soldiers. For their fleet was amply provided with seamen, but only scantily manned by soldiers, and whenever a ship was laid alongside one of the enemy's they were very unequally matched in fighting men." The Carthaginians proved incapable of ramming the Romans without becoming vulnerable to boarding parties. In a short time, seven of their ships were captured and the remaining twenty-eight fled the battle. As for the Roman fleet, it had not lost a single ship and returned to port with only one vessel damaged by ramming. In the seven ships they had captured, the Romans had taken 1,700 prisoners, including three Carthaginian nobles.19 Very soon after the fight at Lilybaeum, Consul Titus Sempronius Longus arrived at Messana. Hiero went to meet him at the entrance of the straits with his fleet fully equipped and manned, and boarded the consul's vessel. The Syracusan leader described the situation on Sicily and the movements of the Carthaginians, and promised to assist the Romans now in his old age with the same readiness he had shown as a young man in the former war. Syracuse would provide the Roman forces with food and clothing gratis in the renewed struggle with their old enemy of Carthage. Hiero then warned him that Lilybaeum and the cities on the coast were still in great danger, that there were those anxious to effect a revolution against Roman rule. 20 If the Romans were still concerned that Carthage might try to stir up revolt in Sicily, then its base in the Maltese islands would have to be dealt with. Malta's situation in 218 BCE was precarious. It was the closest Carthaginian possession to Roman territory. With the failure of the Carthaginian southern offensive and the defeat of its fleet, Malta was now isolated. With less than 2,000 men at his command, Hamilcar son of Gisco, the garrison commander, was vastly outnumbered, facing a Roman general with over 26,000 troops at his disposal. The Maltese knew this. They also remembered the devastating raid in 257 by Regulus. Neither they nor Hamilcar, however, would have much time to ponder these matters, for Sempronius moved quickly.

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The only extant source for the 218 invasion of Malta is Livy, who wrote, From Lilybaeum the consul dismissed King Hiero and hisfleet,and leaving the praetor to protect the coast of Sicily, set sail for the island of Melita, which was held by the Carthaginians. On his arrival, Hamilcar, Gisgo's son, the commandant of the garrison, surrendered himself and nearly two thousand soldiers, together with the town and island. From Melita Sempronius returned in a few days to Lilybaeum, and consul and praetor sold into slavery the prisoners they had made, with the exception of those who were distinguished by noble birth.21 Livy does not specify the actions of the Maltese in this invasion. Some translators of Livy do not say that Hamilcar surrendered, but that rather he and the garrison were "delivered up," which has led some to interpret the text as meaning that the Maltese turned the garrison over. Further evidence for this interpretation comes from later references to the Maltese by Cicero as having been Roman allies, though I believe that these references stem from another event in the Second Punic War and not the invasion in 218. In any case, whether it was the decision of Hamilcar or the Maltese, the Carthaginian garrison did not resist the invasion and the Maltese Islands were in the possession of the Roman Republic. After the occupation of Malta, Sempronius began preparations for the invasion of the Carthaginian homeland. He dispatched a swift galley to locate a good landing place for the army on the African coast. As he was seeing to the defense of the Sicilian and Italian coasts during the anticipated invasion, Sempronius received a dispatch from the Senate informing him of Hannibal's presence in Italy. The great Carthaginian general had gotten past Cornelius, and Sempronius was ordered to go to his colleague's assistance at Trebbia as soon as possible. Sempronius abandoned his plans for an attack on Africa, distributed his fleet to protect Italy and Sicily from Carthaginian raids, and dispatched his army up the Adriatic to Ariminum. Titus Sempronius Longus, the conqueor of Malta, then took command of the Roman forces at Trebbia, only to be routed by Hannibal Barca, believed by some to be a native son of Malta. Seventeen years of war, mostly featuring Roman defeats at the hands of Hannibal, would follow before Rome turned its attention again to the African front.

ROMAN MALTA Hannibal's successes in Italy led many Syracusans to believe they were allied with the wrong side. Hiero honored his treaty with Rome while he lived. However, upon his death in 215 BCE, he was succeeded by his fifteenyear-old grandson Hieronymos, who began negotiations with Hannibal. This alarmed the pro-Roman party in Syracuse, who assassinated him in 214

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BCE. The assassination triggered a civil war in Syracuse between the proCarthaginian and pro-Roman factions. The pro-Carthaginian party was eventually victorious, and two brothers of mixed Carthaginian-Syracusan descent, Hippocrates and Epicydes, took control of the city. In 213 a Carthaginian army of nearly 30,000 landed on southern Sicily and took Agrigentum.22 This was a critical time for the Romans in the war. Hannibal seemed invincible and allied cities broke from their allegiance to Rome. As Hiero had warned Sempronius, other Sicilian towns joined Syracuse in revolt against Rome, even though it had been twenty-seven years since they had been ceded by Carthage. Malta was the most recent Roman conquest in the area, but unlike other towns, it chose to stand by Rome in this crisis. This story is told in the epic poem Punica, by the Latin poet Silius Italicus (first century CE), who described Syracuse's rebellion against Rome and how the cities of Sicily and environs divided up between Rome on one side and the Syracusans and Carthaginians on the other. He listed the Maltese among the supporters of Rome in this contest: "Staunch to the Roman generals and the Roman alliance were Petraea and Callipolis and Engyon of the stony fields; Hadranum and Ergetium too; Melita, proud of her woolen fabrics, and Calacte ... and Cephaloedium... and the men of Tauromenium. . . . All these supported Rome and the standards of Italy. The other cities of Sicily took the side of Carthage."" The Romans sent Marcus Claudius Marcellus to Sicily to deal with the Syracusan situation. He first took the town of Leontini, then besieged Syracuse in 213 BCE. The Romans had attacked by land and sea, but the defenses designed by Archimedes thwarted the assaults, and the Romans resorted to a blockade. In 212 Marcellus captured the great city, although fighting in Sicily continued until 210. While Cicero's later reference to the Maltese as allies in the Punic Wars could be referring to Maltese actions at the time of the occupation in 218, there is no doubt that Malta earned the title of Foederata Civitas or allied city for its actions in the Syracusan revolt. Roman determination and stoicism was finally able to overcome the genius of Hannibal, leading to Carthage's defeat in the Second Punic War, while Roman fear and cruelty caused its obliteration in the Third Punic War. Malta remained Roman throughout these later conflicts, with the only connection to its old rulers being some marble from the palaces of Carthage, which became part of the altars of some Maltese churches.24 The Romans called the main island Melita and used the same name to denote its capital city in the center of the island, modern Mdina. The Maltese were at first granted a limited form of autonomous government within the jurisdiction of the province of Sicily. Presumably when the Sicilians were granted Roman citizenship in the first century BCE, this applied to the Maltese as well. In the year 117 CE under the emperor Hadrian, both Malta

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and Gozo were raised to the official level of Municipium, with autonomous local government. Over time the language and culture of the Maltese became less Punic and more Roman. Still, there were signs of the continuity of Phoenician culture in the islands, such as the Roman coins minted in Malta having Punic lettering. The islands thrived under Roman rule. Diodorus of Sicily, writing in the first century BCE, described a prosperous land of skilled craftsmen and beautiful homes: Melite... possesses many harbours which offer exceptional advantages, and its inhabitants are blest in their possessions; for it has artisans skilled in every manner of craft, the most important being those who weave linen, which is remarkably sheer and soft, and the dwellings on the island are worthy of note, being ambitiously constructed with cornices andfinishedwith stucco with unusual workmanship.25 An interesting image of Maltese prosperity under Roman rule emerged from the famous trial of Verres, the corrupt governor of Sicily, who was condemned by Cicero in 70 BCE. Malta was famous for its honey and cloth, items the notorious Verres had looted from the islands. Verres chose to flee rather than stand trial. Still, Cicero asked the absent governor, "Now I do not ask you where you got those 400 casks of honey, or all that Maltese cloth Never mind the honey; but why so much Maltese cloth, as if you meant to have enough over to equip all your friends' wives?" 26 Cicero also accused Verres of sacrilege against the temples of Malta. This provides a very useful insight into the status of the old Punic temples. Apparently the old Phoenician temple dedicated to Astarte, itself a renovation of a prehistoric temple, had been rededicated by the Romans to the goddess Juno. Cicero was appalled by the governor's looting of this temple which, he said, "has ever been held in such reverence that its sanctity has not once been violated not only in the old days of the Punic Wars, the naval operations of which took place in and around this region, but even by the pirate hordes of our own days." 27 In time the Temple of Juno recovered from these depredations and was restored. Still, the most significant religious event in the Roman period had nothing to do with the official gods of Rome, but rather with a new religious movement that Rome fought hard to eliminate. In the year 60 CE, the Christian apostle Paul was shipwrecked on Malta, the traditional site being St. Paul's Bay in the northern part of Malta. The story is documented in chapters 27 and 28 of the Acts of the Apostles. It recounts Saint Paul staying on Malta for three months and performing a number of miracles. The most significant of these was the healing of the father of Publius, the chief man of the island, who according to tradition became the first bishop of Malta. Malta became the only Christian community in the Latin church that could

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claim to be founded by Paul. The story of Christian Malta and its role in the Crusades will come later; suffice it to say that the devout Maltese are proud to claim that their faith goes back to the apostle Paul, who is the patron saint of Malta. The Feast of the Shipwreck of St. Paul is celebrated as a public holiday on February 10. Little is known about Malta during most of the Roman period. Aside from occasional references to pirates making use of the many bays and harbors, the silence no doubt speaks volumes for the peace and prosperity Malta enjoyed under the Pax Romana. By the same token, after the division of the Roman Empire into two halves in 395, it suffered along with its neighbors during the decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire. There is little hard evidence documenting the chaotic events of the fifth century. Some historians believe that Malta was occupied by the Vandals in 454, while others claim the Goths took over the islands in 464, while still others claim that both happened. What is known is that when the Eastern Roman emperor Justinian (527-65) attempted to reconquer the lost lands of the Western empire, his famous general Belisarius arrived in Malta in 533 CE. Belisarius had just completed the reconquest of North Africa and Malta provided a suitable stop on the way to his next objective, Sicily. Later, during Justinian's war with Totila, Malta was used as a refuge from a storm by the Byzantine general Artabanes.

ARABIAN MALTA

A hundred years after Malta had passed to the Byzantines, a new power was emerging in the Middle East that would figure prominently in Maltese history and culture. The new religion of Islam had been founded in 622 by the prophet Muhammad. Prior to Muhammad, the Arab peoples had expended their energies fighting one another. Islam united them. In 632, after the Prophet's death, the Arabs embarked upon a century of unparalleled conquest. By 661 the Arabs destroyed the Persian Empire, while at the same time they swept across North Africa. In 711 they leaped from Africa into Europe and quickly overran the Visigoth kingdom in Spain. After Spain they began to make raids deep into France, being stopped only by the Franks under Charles Martel at Tours in 732. While the pace of conquest slowed, the Arabs continued to conquer territory. By 832, the Aghlabid Arabs of North Africa had invaded Sicily and captured Palermo. The Maltese Islands began to suffer raids by the Aghlabids in 836. In 869 they invaded Malta and attempted a siege, but were repulsed by the local population. The following year a stronger force under Sawada Ibn Muhammad was dispatched. The Byzantine garrison resisted for most of the year and then was forced to surrender. The Bishop of Malta

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was imprisoned and no successors appointed. In 870 Malta came under Arabic domination and would be under their rule for the next 220 years.28 According to Islamic teaching, Christians and Jews were not to be forcibly converted, but as non-Muslims they were to pay extra taxes and were barred from serving in the government or military. In a 991 census, after approximately one century of Arab rule, a population of 21,311 was reported on the islands. The census noted the religion of the inhabitants. Altogether 14,972 were listed as Muslims and 6,339 (30 percent) were Christians. A closer look at these statistics, however, reveals a wide disparity on Malta and Gozo. Of the 16,767 inhabitants of the island of Malta, there were 13,161 Muslims as opposed to 3,606 Christians (22 percent). On Gozo, however, with a population of 4,544, Christians made up 60 percent of the population, outnumbering Muslims 2,733 to 1,811. What is unknown is whether the Muslims were all Arabs or whether these included Maltese converts. The actual Arab population on the island had to be large to impact the language so significantly. Therefore, it could be that much of the Muslim population was Arabic and not native Maltese, although there is no way to know for sure. 29 The emir, who was the chief administrator and also military commander, ran the island, assisted in local administration by a municipal council that met every Friday. A separate person, the hakem, was responsible for justice. The name of the main town on Malta, Melita, was changed to Mdina (The City). In 1048 the Byzantines made an effort to reconquer Malta. There were only 400 Arabs able to bear arms and the garrison was greatly outnumbered. The Arab historian al-Himyari, writing in 1461, recorded that the Arabs proposed to give full freedom to the Christian Maltese in exchange for their support in the battle: If you are loyal to us in our struggle against our enemy... you will be free men, we shall raise you up to our level and we shall give our daughters in marriage, and we shall make you partners in our riches. . . . And the slaves, of their own accord, promised more than they [the Muslims] had thought they would, and they [the slaves] rushed against the enemy more promptly than themselves.30 Together they repulsed the Greek attack. The Arabs kept their promise and removed penalties against Maltese Christians. This probably brought all conversions to Islam to an end and, as a result, the Christian population on Malta probably never fell below one-fourth of the total. After this invasion attempt, the Arabs began a radical fortification program. They realized that Mdina was too spread out for easy defense. The Arabs reduced Mdina to one-eighth of its original size, surrounded it with walls, dug a deep ditch outside the walls, and built a strong fortress around

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THE MALTESE CROSS

the sole gate into the town. The town outside the walls was known as Rabat. They also fortified the small village of Birgu on one of the peninsulas jutting into Grand Harbour. The Arabs had a great impact on the agriculture of the islands. The practice of protecting the fields against erosion by means of small rubble walls dates back to Arab times, and these crisscross the Maltese countryside to this day. Cotton and citrus fruits were introduced and, as a result of Arab skills in making the most out of little water, Malta was probably greener under their rule. Without doubt, however, the most enduring legacy of Arab rule was its impact on the language. The ancient Maltese had spoken Phoenician. This Semitic language was replaced by the similar language of Arabic. The Maltese today, however, do not speak Arabic. They speak a unique language called Malti. Malti today is mostly tenth-century Arabic, with substantial French, Italian, Spanish, and English elements. It does not use an Arabic alphabet, but rather a modified Latin one. An example of the composite nature of the language is the phrase Bongu, kif inti? (Hello, how are you?), which combines Italian and Arabic. You may wish someone peace with either the word sliem or pad and there are four different ways to say good-bye in Maltese: sahba, addijo, bon soir, and ciao. NORMAN MALTA

Near the beginning of the eleventh century, Normans returning from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land passed through southern Italy. While there, they were invited to stay and become employed as mercenaries. Perceiving an opportunity to acquire territory for themselves, they recruited other Normans to join them and soon gained control of Calabria. In 1061 under the leadership of Count Roger, the Normans invaded Sicily. It took nearly thirty years to overcome Arab resistance, but the Norman conquest of Sicily was finally completed in 1090. That same year, Count Roger and his fleet landed in Malta. There is much legend surrounding this event. According to Maltese tradition, the Christian inhabitants welcomed Roger as a deliverer, greeting him with shouts of Kyrie eleison (Lord, have mercy on us). They then offered to fight alongside his troops to gain control of the islands. Roger was concerned, however, that his own men might mistake the Maltese for the Arab defenders. The Maltese responded by asking for a flag under which they could fight and, according to legend, Roger tore off a portion of his own flag, half red and half white, and gave it to the Maltese, saying, "Here is your flag." A more colorful version has Roger taking a sword and cutting off a piece of his surcoat. This is the origin of the modern Maltese flag which, with the addition of the George Cross awarded by Britain in 1942, is truly a standard rich in history.31

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After the Normans occupied Malta, the Muslim population was allowed to remain, with an annual payment of tribute. This situation lasted until a plot for an Arab uprising was uncovered in 1122. Roger's son and successor, King Roger I of Sicily, had the leaders and the Arabs deported.32 In the same year, the king established the feudal system on Malta, which the Maltese nobility regard as their point of origin.33 In the restoration of Malta to Europe, a Latin-rite bishopric was reestablished and placed under the jurisdiction of the See of Palermo. In time the capital city would come to be known as Citta Notabile, but would always remain Mdina among the Maltese. Malta was an important possession of Roger II, who became King of Sicily in 1112. He was determined to make Sicily a power of international importance that would dominate the Mediterranean. His original plan was to control the central narrows of the Mediterranean by occupying the Tunisian coast opposite Sicily. This effort was unsuccessful, but he found he could achieve the same goal by securing Malta and creating a powerful fleet.34 In addition to Norman knights and the king in Sicily, the defense of Malta included a militia known as the Dejma, which stems from the word for duration, meaning the length of time soldiers were to be on duty. It was composed of all men between the ages of sixteen and sixty-five years, with drills held on all Sundays and holy days of obligation. During summer and autumn, the most likely times for invasion, the shores were guarded day and night, and a huge bonfire on a hill was kept ready to be lit should any threat be seen. Once ignited, all church bells throughout the island were to be rung to warn the population to head for safety, and the militia to man the defenses. These defenses were mobilized to ward off not only Muslim raids but also a Byzantine attempt to invade Malta in 1144. By the early thirteenth century there were two fortified positions on Malta: the walled city of Mdina and a small castle on the Birgu peninsula in Grand Harbour, the Castrum Maris, with a garrison of 150. This defensive work, where Fort St. Angelo now stands, contained forty dwellings and was separated from Birgu by a ditch.35 Also known as the Castello a Mare, its commander was known as the castellan. The castellan was responsible for the residents of Birgu and enjoyed autonomy from the Universita in Mdina. The position of castellan was dominated in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries by the De Guevara and De Nava families. Malta, however, did not always remain on the defensive. Shortly after he gained the throne in 1190, Tancred, the last Norman king of Sicily, granted the Genoese corsair Margarito of Brindisi the title of Royal Admiral of Sicily and Count of Malta. He was succeeded by other Genoese corsairs in this position, first by Guglielmo Grasso and then in 1203 by his son-in-law Henry Pistore. Count Henry was the most aggressive of these admirals. In 1205, he and some Maltese sailors in two galleys captured two additional

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THE MALTESE CROSS

Venetian galleys and, with the four, attacked Tripoli in Libya. They were welcomed as heroes upon their return to Malta. Count Henry continued to use Malta as a base for his operations throughout the Mediterranean. With 300 Maltese he raided the Levant and landed at Tripoli in Syria. When Pisa, Genoa's rival, seized Syracuse, Count Henry gathered a strong Genoese fleet in Malta in 1205 to reconquer the city. He also tried to establish a kingdom in Crete, maintaining a toehold until 1212. Count Henry of Malta was appointed Admiral of Sicily by Frederick II in 1221. His failure, however, to reach the crusading army trapped at Damietta by the Egyptians in time led him to be stripped of the County of Malta in 1222. 36 MEDIEVAL MALTA

After the Normans, Malta went through various medieval rulers. The last undisputed Norman king of Sicily and Malta was William II, who died in 1189 without an heir. Next in line of succession was Constance, the daughter of Roger I, who was married to Henry of Hohenstaufen, the son of the Holy Roman Emperor. Neither the Sicilians nor the pope wished to see a German ruler, so with the support of Pope Clement III, the illegitimate Tancred of Lecce was crowned king in 1190. This solution, however, did not last. Tancred died in 1194, opening the way for Henry, who had succeeded his father and was now Henry VI, Holy Roman Emperor and King of Sicily, thus ending the rule of the Normans in Malta and beginning that of the Swabians. Malta was now part of a vast empire stretching from the Baltic to the Mediterranean. The most notable of the Hohenstaufens was Frederick II, who ruled from 1220 to 1250. Although very tolerant of Muslims, he did not hesitate to expel any rebellious Arabs from his lands. Frederick was ecumenical, however, in this regard; in 1224 he deported the Christian population of Celano to Malta in punishment for supporting local feudal barons against him. What Frederick II liked most about Malta were its falcons. The islands were famous as a breeding sanctuary for these prized birds of prey, and in 1240, Frederick II sent eighteen falconers to Malta. 37 The most significant act of Frederick II for Maltese history was that he allowed the people to elect local Maltese to assist in the administration of the island. This was known as the Consiglio Populare.38 The members were called giurati (the sworn in). They were elected annually to represent the people to the lord.39 The Hohenstaufens only ruled for another sixteen years after Frederick's death, but this insistence on some degree of involvement in the affairs of the island by the natives became an important part of the relationship between the native Maltese and the various powers that ruled the islands. The papacy had been concerned with German influence in Italy and, even though there were Swabian heirs, Pope Clement IV achieved his goal by

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crowning the French Charles of Anjou as king of Sicily in 1266. The Angevins, however, were not popular. Very high taxes were imposed on the Maltese and a garrison of French soldiers was established to ensure their collection. Neither did the people feel adequately protected by the Angevins. During a war between Charles of Anjou and Genoa, Gozo was sacked in 1275. The French were even less popular in Sicily and on October 30,1282, there occurred the uprising known as the Sicilian Vespers. This revolt spread rapidly throughout Sicily and resulted in the death of virtually the entire French garrison. While the French were genuinely unpopular with the Sicilians and the uprising itself was spontaneous, opposition to the rule of Charles I of Anjou had been encouraged by the Bzyantines and Pedro III of Aragon, whose wife, Constance, was the daughter of King Manfred of Sicily. Pedro sent ships and troops to support the uprising. He was then proclaimed king of Sicily in Palermo in December 1282. This was but the first phase, however, of what would be a long conflict between two great alliances headed respectively by Anjou and Aragon. Malta played a prominent part in the War of the Sicilian Vespers, beginning with the plot to oust the Angevins from the region. In 1276 King James of Aragon died and was succeeded by Pedro III. He appointed John of Procida as chancellor of Aragon, placing him in control of the king's foreign policy. John regarded the Angevins as a great threat. He was particularly fearful of an alliance between Charles of Anjou and the Venetians against Byzantium which, if successful, would make Charles too powerful for Aragon to resist. John wanted to counter this threat with an alliance between Genoa and Byzantium.40 In 1279 he met secretly with the Byzantine Emperor Michael, Sicilian barons, and Pope Nicholas. The king of Aragon approved and supported the plan. In 1280, he again met the emperor, the pope, and the Sicilian barons. These were waiting for him at Trapani, but John persuaded them to come with him to Malta, which was less heavily garrisoned and where they could meet with less chance of being detected by Charles of Anjou's agents. The combination of John's words and Byzantine gold convinced the Sicilian barons to support Pedro III against the Angevins.41 In 1283, Aragon followed up the occupation of Sicily by landing troops in southern Italy and blockading Malta. On hearing the news from Sicily, the Maltese also revolted against the Angevins and besieged the Castrum Maris and its garrison of 150 French troops. To support the Maltese insurrection, Pedro III appointed Manfredi Lancia captain of Malta, and he then took charge of the operations against the castle.42 The Angevins were determined to hold Malta in order to maintain communications with Tunis and with the East, as well as to use the islands as a base for the reconquest of Sicily. An Angevin fleet of twenty galleys and 2,000 crossbowmen and spearmen was assembled at Marseilles under two commanders, Bartolome Bonvin and William of Cornhut. The French force sailed for Naples sometime between

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THE MALTESE CROSS

late April and early May. At Naples, Prince Charles of Salerno, the son of Charles of Anjou, ordered the fleet to proceed to Malta to relieve the garrison besieged in the Castrum Maris. 43 The French naval force arrived at Malta on June 4 and anchored in Dockyard Creek. Its arrival compelled Manfred Lancia to retreat and hope for help from Aragon. The Aragonese fleet at the time was under the command of Roger of Lauria (1245-1304), who had supported Manfred, the last Hohenstaufen king of Sicily, and after the Angevins took over Sicily served Manfred's sonin-law, King Pedro III of Sicily. Pedro appointed the thirty-eight-year-old Roger Grand Admiral of Aragon on April 20, 1283. Now, soon after his appointment, the young admiral was in pursuit of the Angevin fleet. Roger arrived off the coast of Gozo on the evening of June 7 with afleetof twenty-one ships. Rather than wait until dawn, he sent out a light ship to scout out Grand Harbour and then, no doubt with Maltese guides, moved his fleet into Grand Harbour that night. Roger wanted a close engagement with the French in a confined area so as to negate their superior speed. He challenged the Angevins to battle on the morning of June 8 and the fighting lasted until dusk. In the first phase of the battle, the two fleets moved within missile range. The French threw everything they had at the Aragonese: arrows, stones, javelins, and lime. As for Roger of Lauria, he had his troops take cover and held off the French with his crossbows. At midday the Angevins had exhausted their supply of missiles and Roger ordered his fleet to close in and slaughtered the more exposed French with javelins, stones, and arrows before boarding their ships.44 By the end of the Battle of Grand Harbour, Admiral Bonvin was able to break out to sea and flee with only five ships. Admiral Cornhut was dead, ten Angevin ships were captured, and another five were sunk. Altogether, 3,500 French were slain and 860 captured. Roger of Lauria did not lose a single ship and Aragonese casualties were about 300. 45 After the battle, Admiral Lauria's fleet entered Marsamxett harbor and troops were landed but felt unable to attack the French garrison, who were holding out in the Castrum Maris. The Maltese recognized the Aragonese as their legitimate rulers and Roger sailed away to get reinforcements. He returned with twenty-two galleys and 1,200 men and, with Maltese support, captured the small fort in 1284. 46 Malta now passed into Aragonese control and Roger followed up his victory by making a demonstration off Naples and raiding the neighboring coasts, as well as capturing the islands of Capri and Ischia in the Bay of Naples. There were three consequences of the Battle of Grand Harbour. First, it secured Malta to Aragon and freed the grateful Maltese from Angevin rule. Second, it restored morale of the Aragonese that were bogged down in Italy and facing a powerful alliance. Finally, it gave Roger temporary command of the sea, which he used with decisive effect.47 Charles of Anjou planned on gathering an army and fleet in Provence, while Prince Charles was to do the same at Naples. The king was confident

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that the combined force would be more than a match for Roger. In the meantime, Prince Charles was to remain on the defensive until the king arrived. Knowing that time was on the side of the Angevins, Roger took advantage of his victory at Grand Harbour to press Prince Charles. In May 1284, Roger sailed into the Bay of Naples. There he utilized the islands of Capri and Ischia as bases for raids into the bay. He then occupied the little island of Nisida and blockaded the harbor of Naples. The Neapolitans demanded that Prince Charles take action. Bowing to this pressure, he did not await his father, who had sailed from Provence only a week earlier, and on June 5, 1284, sailed with his newly completed vessels to capture Nisida and break the blockade. The prince had hoped that the Aragonese fleet would be gone raiding, but Roger knew that King Charles was approaching, and was determined to prevent the union of the two forces. Roger pounced on the Prince of Salerno and won a quick victory, capturing most of the Angevin galleys with their crews, including the prince himself.48 King Charles arrived the next day, his plans frustrated. The war continued for some time, but under Roger's able leadership, Aragon maintained naval supremacy for the remainder of the conflict. Aragon ruled Malta for nearly 130 years, from 1283 to 1412. This time was a mixture of both good and bad. After the defeat of the Angevin fleet in 1283, the Maltese gave the victorious Aragonese a joyous welcome as liberators from French oppression. The Maltese hopes for better times were generally well founded when they were under direct Aragonese rule as part of the royal domain, but this was not the case for most of the period. Between 1283 and 1350, the Aragonese kings of Sicily gave Malta to individuals as a feudal grant with the title of Count of Malta. This grant included the authority to tax the Maltese, a privilege that these counts often abused. In 1350, the Maltese petitioned King Louis to cease this practice and restore the islands to his own domain. Louis granted this request and the situation improved for the Maltese.49 This situation lasted forty-one years. Then in 1377, after the death of Frederick III, he was succeeded on the throne of Sicily by his daughter, Maria. In 1391 she married Martin the Younger, who in 1395 would become Martin I of Sicily. The person responsible for bringing Martin and Maria together was a man named Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada. As a reward for this service, Moncada was made Count of Malta, and the practice of granting out the Maltese Islands from the royal domain was resumed. In 1393 Moncada renounced the title and over the next four years Malta was granted out to no fewer than four separate lords. This period from 1393 to 1397 was a repressive one for the Maltese, known as the time of the tyrants. The Maltese protested vigorously to King Martin I. On November 27, 1397, Martin praised the loyalty of the Maltese and decreed that Malta would never in the future be granted as a fief to private lords. Martin I granted Malta a municipal government called the Universita, and

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representatives were sent to the Sicilian parliament.50 This body met in 1398 and among its rulings reaffirmed that the islands of Malta and Gozo were never again to be granted out and were to continue to be part of the reigning monarch's dominion. Martin I died in 1409 and was mourned by the Maltese people. He was succeeded by Martin II, who ruled briefly and died in 1410 without any immediate heirs. The nobles of Sicily elected the Castilian Ferdinand de Antequera, the husband of the dead king's sister, in 1412. This brought an end to Aragonese rule. The Castilians ruled Malta for over a hundred years, from 1412 to 1530. During this time Malta was subjected to increasing raids by Arab pirates. In 1416, they petitioned Ferdinand's son Juan, the viceroy of Sicily, for improvements in the islands' defenses. Juan was sympathetic and agreed to the improvements, as well as favoring a reduction in the duties on imports from Sicily, but his efforts were thwarted when his brother became the new king that very year as Alphonso V. 51 Not only were the improvements cancelled, but the Maltese were heavily taxed to support Alphonso's wars against the Angevins, Pisa, and Genoa. Alphonso's need for money led him in 1420 to use the Maltese Islands as collateral to borrow 30,000 gold florins from Don Antonio Cardona. Furthermore, Cardona was made governor of the islands with full jurisdiction over the inhabitants, including the right to levy taxes. The Maltese saw this as a violation of the promises of Martin I. Soon thereafter Cardona transferred his rights to another noble, Don Gonsalvo de Monroy. While the Maltese were being treated as property and traded back and forth, the islands suffered two devastating raids by Arab corsairs, as well as a failure of the cotton crop. The situation was more than the Maltese could bear and in 1425 they revolted, seizing Monroy's possessions. Monroy's wife, who was present at the time, fled to the fortifications in the harbor, which were besieged.52 The Maltese were in control of the islands, but this did not prove an end to their troubles. The authorities in Sicily supported Monroy and prohibited Maltese vessels from entering any of its harbors, thus cutting it off from most of its food imports. The islanders recognized that it was not possible for Malta to be independent, but they were determined not to be treated as property. It was decided to have the islands restored to the royal domain by paying off the original loan. With the support of practically the entire population of 25,000, the sum of 20,000 gold florins was raised, and the Maltese nobleman Antonio Inguanez offered his two sons as hostages for the remaining 10,000. In addition to being restored to the royal domain, the Maltese demanded that Alphonso and his successors agree to never again cede the islands. Alphonso V 53 agreed and in 1428 Malta was reincorporated. While there may have been those who believed that Malta should retain its independence, any such attitudes would have been dispelled the following year when the Hafsid Saracens of Tunisia invaded the Maltese Islands with a

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force of 18,000. A long siege ensued. Three thousand Maltese were captured and enslaved, and many others were killed, but the defenders succeeded in repulsing the attack. In order to replace the diminished population, the rulers in Sicily encouraged immigration.54 King Alfonso was impressed by the Maltese actions. He reconfirmed the rights of the Universita and the decrees of Martin I. He gave the Maltese the power to defend their rights "even by force of arms." 55 In 1428, King Alphonso placed the government of the island in the hands of the inhabitants. In 1429 he decreed that all government officials be elected exclusively from among the Maltese.56 Under Alphonso the power of the Consiglio Popolare increased. The islands were divided into casales and each casale was to elect a representative to the council. The rights of the Consiglio Popolare were: (1) to elect the giurati, who composed the Universita and other officials of the government, (2) to submit to the king all the needs of the people, (3) to report the abuses of the king's representatives, (4) to provide the islands with enough corn and foodstuffs, and (5) with the authority of the king, to levy taxes and make loans if necessary.57 The local government was headed by a governor, a four-member council for financial matters, a two-member council for food matters, one person to take care of import duties, and another to oversee the harbor. 58 The people were represented by an assembly that met annually. This was divided into nobles, clergy, and commoners. This assembly prepared lists of candidates for various positions beneath the governor, and the viceroy in Sicily made appointments from this list.59 The royal pledge to not cede Malta was reaffirmed by Ferdinand II of Aragon and Sicily in a May 22, 1507, proclamation preserved in the Cathedral Museum at Mdina: "We acknowledge the right of the Maltese People to remain attached to our Crown for ever and declare that any future deed of alienation or cession will be null and invalid." So matters stood with the people of Malta on the eve of the arrival of the Knights of St. John in 1530. CONCLUSION

While it has been seen that Malta played a role in numerous conflicts in the ancient and medieval eras, for the general student of history, the islands' claim to fame begins with the Knights of St. John, popularly known as the Knights of Malta. In this survey of Maltese history, however, important characteristics emerged prior to 1530 that must be grasped to better understand these later, more famous events. First, beginning with the Phoenicians, the Maltese became accustomed to outsiders coming to their land to take advantage of its strategic location and harbors. Second, these outsiders generally came not to displace the

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native population but to utilize the islands as a base. As a result, the government of the islands often took the nature of a ruling minority with a majority native population. The rulers were valued as protectors and the locals provided needed labor. Third, the occupation of the Maltese Islands by various powers has involved the natives in the wars and strategic planning of distant lands, from the Phoenicians to the late medieval monarchies. Like the Belgians of Europe, any Maltese hopes for neutrality were rendered impossible by geography. Fourth, in the many events recounted above, the support of the local population was key to the successful defense of the islands. There is no account of the Maltese islands ever being successfully defended without the support of the native population. Finally, by the end of the medieval period, a unique form of Maltese nationalism had emerged. The islanders had long conceded that it was not possible to live separately in peace in the violent world about them. This tragic lesson had been learned long before by the prehistoric Temple Builders. Yet from the very beginning, while the Maltese acknowledged the need for foreign rulers, they were also determined that their rights be respected, that they had a say in who ruled the islands, and that they be granted some measure of self-government. Sometimes this unique form of self-determination would later be frustrated by distant rulers, and sometimes it would produce consequences that would shape the course of world history, but at all times its goal has been the good of the Maltese people.

3

The Knights of Malta [N]aught is to be look'd for now but wars, and naught to us more welcome is than wars. Christopher Marlowe, The Jew of Malta, Act III, scene 5

A DECISIVE DEVELOPMENT in Maltese history occurred when the islands came under the control of the Sovereign Military Order of the Knights of St. John, known during the Crusades as the Hospitallers and, after 1530, as the Knights of Malta. Since the Roman occupation of Malta, its fate had been linked to that of Sicily. After the arrival of the Knights, Malta's history took an independent course from that of its larger neighbor. Furthermore, Malta's role in military history became more pronounced, as it was no longer just one base among others, but the headquarters of an aggressive military power. In order to better understand the consequences for Malta and its place in history, this chapter examines the origin, development, and character of the Knights, as well as how they came to possess the Maltese Islands. THE ORIGIN OF THE HOSPITALLERS Pilgrimages were an important part of medieval Christian spirituality, and one of the most popular destinations for pilgrims was the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem. Even after the Arabs seized Jerusalem in 638, Christian pilgrimages continued to the Holy City. In the eleventh century, merchants from the Italian city of Amalfi obtained from the Fatimid caliph of Egypt some land in the Christian quarter, adjacent to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, to establish monasteries to provide shelter for pilgrims.

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There they built a monastery that became known as St. Mary of the Latins, staffed by Benedictine monks from Italy. By the mid-eleventh century there was a great increase in the number of pilgrims coming to the Holy Land. The original settlement was expanded to include a daughter house, known as St. Mary Magdalene, constructed about 1180 to provide shelter for female pilgrims. Soon after the establishment of the convent, a hospice was founded, dedicated to St. John the Baptist to care for pilgrims worn out by their long journey. While the exact date of the founding of the hospital is unknown, it was definitely in operation before the First Crusade.1 By the time the First Crusade reached Jerusalem on June 7, 1099, the Fatimid governor of Jerusalem had already expelled the Christian population. The administrator of the Hospital of St. John, however, a lay brother named Gerard, was allowed to remain. Little is known of this man, the founder of the organization which would ultimately evolve into the Knights of Malta. His family and nationality are unknown. Some accounts tell that during the siege he was arrested on suspicion of helping the crusaders. In one version he was so tortured that afterward he could hardly use his limbs, although Jonathan Riley-Smith believed this might be a reference to another Gerard.2 The crusaders took Jerusalem on July 15,1099. This was followed by a brutal sack of the Holy City, along with the massacre of the Muslim and Jewish inhabitants. Word of these events inflamed the Muslim world. While the hospital had been founded by St. Mary of the Latins, under Gerard's leadership it soon came to be recognized as a separate entity, receiving gifts in its own right. Godfrey, the first Latin ruler of Jerusalem, gave it some property, and his successor, Baldwin, gave a tenth of the spoils from a victory over the Egyptians in 1101 to the hospital. Church leaders also favored the hospital, exempting its properties from paying them tithes.3 In time the Hospital of St. John in Jerusalem became famous throughout Western Europe as many returning from pilgrimage told of the fine care they received there. In 1101, when the Duke of Apulia gave a large gift to the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, it was specified that a third go to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, a third to the defense of the Holy Land, and the remaining third to the hospital. Jonathan Riley-Smith stated that by "1113 it had received extensive properties in Italy, Spain and southern France, and the wording of many of the charters from Spain and Provence suggest that it was linked in the popular mind with the church of the Holy Sepulchre."4 A cleric who visited Jerusalem prior to 1187 described the operation of the hospital in detail. He stated that it admitted all sick, regardless of religion, national origin, or gender. He also mentioned that, in addition to the hospital in Jerusalem, the Hospitallers operated a field hospital that would accompany the crusaders. Those whose injuries required more attention than these tent hospitals could provide would be taken back to the main hospital in Jerusalem. Because of this medical service, 750 seriously wounded men were able to be evacuated and receive medical care in Jerusalem after the

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Battle of Montgisard in 1177, a defeat in which 1,100 Franks lost their lives.5 The unknown author also described the men's hospital as being divided into eleven wards, but gave no indication of the size of the women's hospital. It is difficult to determine how many patients the hospital could normally accommodate, because in emergencies the brothers would give up their dormitory to the sick and sleep on the ground. The pilgrim John of Wurzburg reported in the early 1160s that 2,000 sick were being treated during his visit, while another visitor a few days later wrote that he saw 1,000 beds. Benjamin Kedar, in his research on the hospital in Jerusalem, believes that the regular capacity was 1,000, and that John had witnessed an emergency situation in which the dormitory had been occupied. Kedar estimates that on average 900 patients were served by a medical staff of 143 for a ratio of 6 to l. 6 A characteristic of Hospitaller spirituality was to refer to those they served as "Our Lords the Sick." This feudal notion that the brothers were the vassals of the poor and sick probably originated with Gerard. Brother Gerard expanded the work of the hospital beyond Jerusalem. By 1113 he had established seven other hospices, at Bari, Otranto, Taranto, Messina, Pisa, Asti, and Saint-Gilles. These were placed strategically along the pilgrimage route to Jerusalem. It could be that the establishment of so many daughter houses made it inappropriate for the Hospital to be subject to St. Mary of the Latins. In 1113, Pope Paschal II recognized Brother Gerard's organization as a new religious order in the bull Pie postulatio voluntatis. The brothers were now known as the Hospitallers of St. John and Gerard became Rector of the Hospital. The order was independent now, subject only to the Papacy, free to elect Gerard's successor, free to receive gifts, and free from any ecclesiastical governance. Gerard lived another seven years and died on September 3, 1120. His epitaph read: Here lies Gerard, the humblest man among the dwellers in the East; the servant of the poor, a welcoming friend to strangers; He was lowly in mien, but within him shone a noble heart. The measure of his goodness may be seen within these walls. He was provident in many things, painstaking in all he did; He undertook many tasks of diverse nature; stretching out his arms diligently to many lands, He gathered from everywhere the means to feed his people.7 Significantly, Gerard died the same year that the Templars, the first military order, was established. TRANSFORMATION INTO A MILITARY ORDER Gerard was succeeded by Raymond du Puy, who governed the order from 1120 to 1160. Under Raymond, the Hospitallers would develop a more

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detailed organization, as well as begin to assume a military purpose. One sign of this organizational development is that around 1140 the title of Master of the Hospital begins to be used, replacing the earlier title of rector. Sometime before 1153, Raymond composed a rule that laid the foundation for the order's structure and life. This included the organization of the various European estates and the revenues these were to contribute to the order to support its work. 8 The Rule of Raymond du Puy contained nineteen clauses. It addressed a wide range of issues, including spiritual regulations, dress and food, discipline, and the manner in which the sick were to be received and cared for. Clause 19 stated that brethren were to wear the cross upon their garments. This rule was not based on that of St. Benedict, which regulated the monks of the original mother house at St. Mary of the Latins, but rather an adaptation of the more flexible Rule of St. Augustine. The Rule of Raymond du Puy was confirmed by Pope Eugenius III. In the Rule, the Master of the Hospital was the supreme head of the order, subject only to the pope. The European estates of the order were organized into provinces called priories and headed by a member of the order called a prior. The priors were to send one-third of the produce of their lands to the master of the hospital, as well as any residual profits remaining after the expenses of the priory had been met. These revenues were called responsions Some of these expenses included the maintenance of the hospices along the pilgrimage route to Jerusalem. The maintenance of this vast hospital system demonstrated that the order's primary reason for existence at the time of the Rule of Raymond was still care of the sick poor. The brothers of the hospital at this time were divided only between priests and lay brothers; there was not yet any distinct military branch. The vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty were strictly enforced on all.9 By the time of Raymond's death about 1160, the order had grown greatly. Gifts from throughout Europe had been bestowed upon it, providing it with a secure foundation of landed wealth and making it one of the richest medieval corporations. By 1160, six priories had been established at St. Gilles in France, Messina, Castile-Leon, Portugal, England, and Amposta. The Hospitallers grew not only in size and wealth, but also in ecclesiastical privileges as well. These included financial benefits, such as being exempt from paying tithes, papal protection for alms collectors, indulgences for those who made contributions to the order, and allowing the Hospitallers to open churches once a year in interdicted areas. Spiritual privileges allowed them to have their own churches, cemeteries, and chaplains, and to say Masses for deceased brethren even in times of interdict. Last but not least was the independence of the order from episcopal authority, with the master of the order being free from excommunication and from the jurisdiction of local bishops.10 According to tradition, Raymond represented the kind of men who began joining the order in increasing numbers, Frankish knights who came

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to Jerusalem in the First Crusade and never returned home. Whether or not Raymond was himself a knight, under his leadership the Hospitallers began to develop beyond their original calling to include military activities. Not long after he was elected, Raymond stated that those engaged in the work of the hospital would receive the same spiritual rewards as the knights who fought in the crusade. 11 By 1126 the office of constable appears in the order, and in 1128 Raymond accompanied the army of Baldwin II at Ascalon.12 By the end of Raymond's rule, the Hospitallers were well on their way to becoming a military order. A military order was similar to a religious order, except that the members adopted a military vocation. These were lay orders with few priests because of the prohibition of clergy from shedding blood. Strange as it might seem, these communities saw their military activities as a work of charity, that is, the protection and care of Christian pilgrims in the Holy Land. The first military order was the Order of the Temple, founded by a group of knights who had come to the Holy Land on pilgrimage in 1120. They took the monastic vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. The new order received land next to the Temple Mount in Jerusalem, from which they got their name. The mission of the Templars was to defend the pilgrim routes to Jerusalem.13 The great early advocate for the military orders was St. Bernard of Clairvaux, who sometime before 1136 wrote a treatise on their behalf titled De laude novae militia. In this he wrote, "Rejoice, brave warrior, if you live and conquer in the Lord, but rejoice still more and give thanks if you die and so join the Lord. This life can be fruitful and victory is glorious yet a holy death for righteousness is worth more. Certainly 'blessed are they who die in the Lord' but how much more so are those who die for Him." 14 The Hospitallers took a major step toward becoming a military order when in 1136 King Fulk of Jerusalem gave them the castle of Beit-Jibrin in southern Palestine. This was followed in 1144 by additional grants of land and castles to the north in the County of Tripoli. Furthermore, Raymond was present at the council of war held in Acre in which leaders of the Second Crusade decided to attack Damascus. The Hospitallers took part in the resulting campaign and were present at the following siege of Ascalon in 1153. In 1157 they assisted in the defense of the town of Paneas. While a class of brother warriors had appeared in the order, it still does not appear that in the time of Raymond a distinction had appeared between those brothers who fought and those who did not. 15 When did militarization begin? Alan Forey, building on the work of Jonathan Riley-Smith, pointed out that this has been placed as early as the 1120s and as late as 1160. He referred to the granting of the castle of BeitJibrin by Fulk of Jerusalem in 1136 as proof that by this time the Hospitallers had become transformed into a military order. Furthermore, the concessions of Raymond II of Tripoli in 1144, including the fortress of the Crac des Chevaliers, as well as agreement not to make truces with Muslims

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without the approval of the Hospitallers, seem to prove that the valuable charitable work of the order had been supplemented by substantial military work. Even if one agrees with those who claim that at this stage only mercenaries were being employed, a military structure of command was still required to guide these forces and supervise the outposts. Forey concluded, "It may be argued, therefore, that the Hospital was already being transformed into a military order in the 1130s." 16 The order now had a dual function, both military and health care. Helen Nicholson has pointed out that over time the Hospitallers would employ both images to promote the order. When Master Hugh wrote to Ferraud, prior of St. Gilles, in 1268, for example, it was to seek military support for the order's activities in the Holy Land, with no mention of Christ's poor. In another case, however, regarding the approval of those collecting alms in Europe on behalf of the order, no reference was made to military activities, and only its hospital work was cited.17 The fall of Jerusalem in 1187 accelerated the militarization of the order. As late as 1180 the Papacy had been insisting that their first vocation was caring for the sick and to bear arms only when absolutely necessary. After 1187 the Hospitallers' transition to a military order became firmly established. In 1206 the Statutes of Margat formally established the order as a military organization, with a distinction between knights and commoners. Proof of legitimate, noble birth was required for entry into the knighthood, while the serving brethren and sergeants at arms were drawn from commoners of good family. In time the knights came to dominate the order. By the 1230s they gained precedence over the priests and in 1262 the mastership of the order was restricted to knights. By the 1270s every major office of the Hospitallers, except that of prior of the church, were reserved to knights.18 The Hospitallers were divided into four classes: knights, sergeants, serving brethren, and chaplains. The habit was a black mantle with a white cross on the chest. The major offices assisting the Master were the Grand Commander of Jerusalem, the Treasurer, the Marshal, the Draper or quartermaster general, the Hospitaller, and finally the Turcopolier, who commanded the "Turcopoles," that is, the light native horse. 19 This military transformation did result in criticism. Some argued that military activity was incompatible with the Hospitallers' canonical nature as a religious order. Other critics were not so much opposed to their use of military force, but rather condemned all the military orders for their growing pride, avarice, and rivalry with one another. ° THE HOSPITALLERS IN THE HOLY LAND

The order soon became a mainstay of Outremer, the Latin presence in the Holy Land, composed of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the Principality of

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Antioch, and the counties of Edessa and Tripoli. The sack of Jerusalem in 1099, as well as later crusader activities, galvanized Muslim resistance, so that much of the Hospitallers' military efforts focused on holding territory rather than expansion. This need was underscored in 1144 with the fall of the County of Edessa and the failure of the Second Crusade to recover it. The two remaining northern Christian states, Antioch and Tripoli, had likewise come under great pressure from Zengi of Mosul in the mid-twelfth century. Three years before the fall of Edessa, Count Raymond of Tripoli gave the Hospitallers the fortresses of the Crac des Chevaliers, Castellum Bochee, Lacum, Felicium, and Mardabech, as well as rights to two towns that had been captured by the Muslims in 1137. Other lords with exposed lands followed suit and included as incentive lands that had been lost which the order would retain if recaptured.21 Master Gilbert of Assailly (1163-70) in particular did much to encourage the order's participation in military affairs. The order fought in the Battle of Artah in 1164, in which many Hospitallers were killed. He also oversaw the expansion of the order's landholdings in sensitive border areas, including Antioch. Prior to Gilbert, the Hospitallers held seven fortresses, but under his leadership they gained control over an additional eleven, as well as assisting in the defense of Sidon.22 Gilbert also supported the invasion of Egypt in 1168 by King Amalric of Jerusalem with 500 knights and 500 light cavalry. This was an unfortunate attack that not only failed in its immediate objective, but also had the strategic consequence of bringing about reconciliation between Egypt and Syria, uniting these two Muslim powers for the first time against the Crusader States. The medieval chronicler William of Tyre blamed Gilbert for persuading Almaric to invade Egypt, an act that violated existing treaties with the Muslims and that, according to William, was motivated solely by Gilbert's desire for more lands. 23 Despite the Egyptian setback, the Hospitallers continued to grow. By 1180 the order controlled twenty-five fortresses and during the thirteenth century held a total of fifty-six strongholds. The major Hospitaller castles in the Holy Land were Belmont and Bethgibelin in the south, Belvoir on eastern frontier, and Margat and the Crac des Chevaliers in the north. In 1187 Saladin, leading a united Syria and Egypt, acquired an army of approximately 25,000 and took the town of Tiberias. The Countess Echiva, trapped in the castle there, appealed to her husband Count Raymond of Tripoli for help. A Christian army of 20,000 was gathered. The order was concerned that the expedition was not well planned, a feeling shared by Raymond himself. Others, including the Templars, who devoted almost their entire strength, were anxious to proceed. The Christian army was trapped and forced to surrender at the Battle of Hattin on July 3. The loss of so many men crippled the Crusader States. Jerusalem fell on October 2, along with many other territories. The Hospitaller castle of Belvoir held out

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for more than a year before falling, but Saladin was unable to take either Margat or the Crac des Chevaliers. 2 5 The Third Crusade was launched to recover Jerusalem. Despite involving the rulers of England, France, and Germany, it failed to recover the Holy City, although Cyprus was captured and King Richard of England obtained rights for Christian pilgrims to go to the Holy City. Acre was also recovered in 1191 and the Hospitallers established themselves there after the loss of Jerusalem. Saladin died in 1193, and the Muslim powers fell back into disunity. Jonathan Riley-Smith has claimed that, although the Hospitallers played a minor part in the Battle of Hattin, it was a major turning point for the Hospitallers: After 1187 they and the Templars were able to assume power in the kingdom because they possessed international resources. The monarchy and the hierarchy were poor, the baronage was impoverished; but the Military Orders and the Italian communes, with firm bases in Europe, naturally emerged as the strongest institutions in Latin Syria. At the same time the need to defend the settlement led to a final acceptance of the Hospital as a Military Order. 26 While powerful, the Hospitallers were never large in number. In 1255, sixty knights were based permanently at Crac des Chevaliers. In 1266, eighty Hospitallers and 350 other troops held Safed. In 1268, Master Hugh Revel reported 300 brothers in all of Syria. These were supplemented with forces provided by vassals and mercenaries. 2 7 While few, both the Templars and Hospitallers were regarded as the best warriors on the Christian side and the Muslim chronicler Ibn al-Athir noted frequently that Muslims rejoiced whenever prominent members of either order died, such as when Master Roger of Moulins died in 1187. He further stated that Saladin, who was usually generous and merciful to his enemies, offered a bounty of 50 dinars for every Templar and Hospitaller captured. These prisoners he would have executed, because "they were more vigorous in war than all the rest of the F r a n k s . . . and because of their bravery." 2 ^ In 1259, to underscore their increasingly martial character, the knights adopted the wearing of a red surcoat with a white cross when they went to war, instead of the black monastic robe. 2 9 The best chance for the recovery of Outremer occurred when Pope Innocent III put together the Fourth Crusade, an enormous force that was to be transported by sea. The crusade was diverted, however, by the Venetians to conquer their economic rivals in Constantinople. In 1204 the crusaders sacked Constantinople and desecrated the cathedral, seriously harming Catholic-Orthodox relations. While Christian attacking Christian may seem a low point, the greatest tragedy was the Children's Crusade in 1212, in which thousands of children died in an attempt to recover the Holy Land.

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These events not only resulted in no material aid reaching the crusaders holding onto the few remaining possessions in the Holy Land, but, even more ominously for the hard-pressed defenders, it disillusioned Christian Europe about the whole idea of crusading. The days of the Crusader States were numbered. There was a bizarre, brief resurgence when in 1229 the excommunicated German ruler Frederick recovered Jerusalem by treaty. It was still exposed, however, and was lost again fifteen years later in 1244 when the Muslim powers resumed their offensive. The crusader states were soon reduced to coastal strongholds supplied by the Italian city-states. The most significant remaining position was the town of Acre, with forty churches and 30,000 inhabitants. 30 Gradually the remaining Crusader States crumbled before the Muslim juggernaut. The Mamelukes took Crac des Chevaliers on March 30, 1271. Tripoli fell in 1289. Then on April 5, 1291, a huge army laid siege to Acre. After a month of fighting, the defenders were compelled to abandon the wrecked outer fortifications and on May 18 the city was taken, with only the Templar fortress-convent by the sea remaining in Christian hands. This last outpost held out ten more days, was undermined by Muslim sappers, and finally the structure collapsed, burying defenders and attackers alike in its downfall. The master of the hospital was badly wounded and the marshal of the order died in the defense of Acre. With the loss of Acre, all serious Christian resistance in the Holy Land came to an end. Tyre was abandoned on May 19. Sidon's sea-castle held out until July 14. Beirut surrendered on July31. 3 1 The surviving Hospitallers, including the injured master, retreated to Cyprus. While on Cyprus, the order began a significant evolution from an all-land force to adopting a naval arm. In 1291 the Hospitallers outfitted galleys. In 1299 there is the first reference to an admiral in the order. In the following year a combined fleet including ships from the Hospitallers, Templars, and the King of Cyprus attacked the coasts of Syria and Egypt. Their prowess at sea was such that in the 1290s Charles of Naples was asking the Hospitallers to contribute ten galleys to his cause. Happily for Malta, the order did not participate in the War of the Sicilian Vespers.32 THE KNIGHTS OF RHODES The order was only a guest on Cyprus, however, and needed to find a home of its own. This fact was underscored by the destruction of its longtime rival, the Knights Templar, and the confiscation of its property by the King of France in 1314. Rather than relocate back to Europe, the order chose to establish itself as an independent power far from royal control. For a time the order was able to fall back on its hospital activities. Still, the knights had

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been crusaders so long that simply running a hospital was not enough. So the knights looked about and decided upon the island of Rhodes as a new home. Rhodes was a fertile, hilly island, forty-five miles long by twenty-two miles wide. Near the Turkish coast, Rhodes had become a nest of pirates that disrupted Christian trade throughout the Aegean. The master at the time was Master Foulques de Villaret, the order's first admiral. In 1306, with Genoese support, Villaret led a force of four galleys and transports with thirty-five knights and 500 infantry to invade Rhodes. The initial attack on the port of Rhodes was repulsed, but the capital of Philermo was taken in November and the harbor was besieged. The small Hospitaller army held on, finally taking the port in August 1309 and gaining complete control of Rhodes by 1310. 33 The Hospitallers, now known as the Knights of Rhodes, became a sovereign power, minting coins and establishing diplomatic relations with other states. The Knights would continue as crusaders, but rather than fighting Arabs in the Holy Land, they would fight the Turks at sea. They did not forget their original calling, establishing a hospital for serving pilgrims to the East, as well as a separate infirmary for the brethren. A much larger hospital was opened in 1483. A 1493 Czech pilgrim related how each patient received a separate bed, with its own balcony for fresh air and privy. In addition to being checked by a doctor twice daily, each of the sick was assigned a servant to care for them. Medicines were provided free of charge. Doctors also prescribed special diets for patients, who were served meals on silver dishes with silver spoons.34 The Knights spent large sums on fortifying Rhodes so that it became one of the most heavily defended places in the fifteenth century. The town of Rhodes had two ports, an outer one known as the Harbour of the Galleys and an inner, landlocked harbor guarded on either side by two towers. The city was built in a semicircle around the inner harbor. It was surrounded by a double wall with thirteen towers and five bastions, as well as a rampart along the harbor front.35 Sailing forth from this secure base, the sea had become the new battleground for the knights. They divided their duties between protecting Christian shipping and raiding the Turkish sea-lanes and coastline. Their fleet, originally composed of three galleys plus transports, grew to eight galleys. The knights became skilled sailors and when they grappled with a ship, the issue was almost always decided by a boarding party of armored brethren. The knights also assisted other Christian powers. For example, when the king of Cyprus attacked Alexandria in 1365, the order supplied 100 brothers in four galleys.36 Their fleet also included the Great Carrack of Rhodes, a huge ship with a crew of over 700 and seventy cannon that could stay at sea for six months, and featured ovens for the baking of bread. 37 In addition to their own naval activities, the knights also sponsored a form of licensed piracy or privateering known as the corso. In return for the shelter

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and support provided by the knights, they were to receive 10 percent of the spoils. By 1519 the corso was providing the order with 47,000 ducats a year.38 The order's galleys were small, but fast and very maneuverable. They carried twenty-five men-at-arms and a little more than that number in crossbowmen. Projecting underneath the bow of each ship was an iron ram and the vessel was also equipped with a catapult or mangonels, which could hurl boulders or naptha fireballs. The plan was always to cripple rather than sink, capturing vessel, cargo, and crew.39 The knights finalized their organization in Rhodes, dividing themselves into five classes. First were the Knights of Justice. These were knights in the traditional sense of the word, shouldering most of the fighting and having to show noble birth for at least four generations on both sides for admittance. This group dominated the order. Second were the Conventual Chaplains, or Chaplains of Obedience, clerics for whom there were no restrictions on birth and who were usually employed in the order's hospital and conventual church. These were eligible for elevation to prior or even to bishop of the order. Third were the serving brothers, soldiers who were unable to prove noble birth. The last two categories were the Magistral Knights and Knights of Grace, which were honorary positions of knighthood granted by the order.40 In addition to the division between knight, chaplain, and serving brother, the order was also divided into eight distinct national groups called Langues, taking their names from the different tongues or languages spoken in the order. The eight Langues of the order were Auvergne, Provence, France, Aragon, Castile, England, Germany, and Italy. The French presence in the order was strong, with the three Langues of Auvergne, France, and Provence. Each Langue was divided into priories throughout Europe and headed by a grand prior. On Rhodes each Langue maintained its own residence, known as an auberge, for its members. The head of the order was no longer called the Master of the Hospital, but rather the Grand Master of the Knights of Rhodes. He was a Knight of Justice elected by the other knights for life. He was assisted by the Sacro Consiglio, a council made up of the bishop, the prior of the church, the piliers or deans of each national Langue, the priors, the conventual bailiffs, and the knights grand cross.41 THE FIGHT FOR RHODES Nothing in the world was so well lost as Rhodes! Emperor Charles V In 1480 the Turks, under Sultan Mehmet, invaded Rhodes with 70,000 troops. The Hospitallers under Grand Master Pierre d'Aubusson manned the fortifications with 600 brethren and 1,500 mercenaries, along with

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Rhodian militia and sailors. The attack focused on the harbor defenses, especially Fort St. Nicholas, which defended the outer harbor. Despite breaches in the fort's walls by artillery, land based and from galleys, the defenders repulsed repeated assaults, led by d'Aubusson, who fell wounded in a counterattack driving back the last assault.42 Four decades passed before the Ottomans would try again. While the invasion force in 1480 was huge, it was surpassed by the second great invasion of Rhodes by Sultan Sulieman the Magnificent in 1522. The Turkish fleet was sighted on June 26, two days after the Feast of St. John. It included 103 galleys and 300 other ships. As for the army, accounts at the time put the number of Turkish troops at 140,000, supported by a labor force of 60,000 Balkan peasants. The bombardment was methodical, focusing on specific areas of the walls. Sappers were used to undermine the walls, and they placed explosives in the mines. The Turkish engineers also built two huge earthen ramps as high as the walls so that musketeers and archers could shoot down into the city. On September 4 two huge mines were detonated under the bastion of England, bringing down twelve yards of wall and filling the moat with its rubble. The Turkish forces rushed forward and seized the breach. The English knights just barely held the inner wall and the grand master, Phillippe Villiers de lTsle Adam, led a counterattack that regained the breach.43 Three further assaults were launched in September, but all were repulsed. The largest was a general assault on September 24 that almost penetrated the bastion of Aragon, but again faltered due to a counterattack led by de lTsle Adam with 200 fresh troops. This attack cost over 2,000 Turkish dead. Sulieman was enraged by this setback and was only narrowly talked out of executing the army's commander, his own brother-in-law. Despairing of taking Rhodes, Sulieman was about to raise the siege when an Albanian deserter informed him that the knights were also suffering great losses and could not hold on against further attacks. Appointing a new commander-in-chief, Sulieman maintained the siege. The order's powder was running short as fighting continued through November and December. While the Turks lost more men than the knights, the knights were nonetheless suffering proportionally more owing to the smaller size of the garrison. Furthermore, the walls were rapidly deteriorating from the constant bombardment and undermining.44 In December the Sultan offered terms of surrender and the grand master called a council of the survivors to discuss whether it was better to die to the last man as martyrs for the faith or surrender and spare the civilian inhabitants. During the meeting the Greek bishop arrived with a delegation of citizens and begged the knights to surrender. An observer recounted that de lTsle Adam "fell downe allmost ded." The stunned grand master and his advisors in the end agreed, saying that "it would be a thing more agreeable to God to sue for peace and protect the lives of simple people, of women and

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children." Sulieman's terms were generous. In return for evacuating Rhodes, the knights were to leave with all their possessions. No churches would be turned into mosques and the Rhodians who remained would have freedom of worship. Sulieman even expressed regret at making the elderly grand master leave his home. 45 THE KNIGHTS COME TO MALTA On the night of January 1, 1523, the knights paraded out from the ruined ramparts and embarked for Crete. They carried not only their arms and other material possessions, but also spiritual riches (the icon of Our Lady of Philermo and the hand of St. John the Baptist), their archives, and the key of the City of Rhodes. The knights sailed from Rhodes to Crete, then to Messina, and finally to the town of Civitavecchia in the Papal States. Grand Master de lTsle Adam was appointed guardian of the conclave that in November 1523 elected Clement VII as pope. The new pontiff had once been a member of the order, then known as Fra Giuliano de Medici, the Grand Prior of Capua. Clement VII gave the knights a temporary residence at Viterbo. Meanwhile, de lTsle Adam toured the courts of Europe looking for a new home and support for the reconquest of Rhodes. The Republic of Venice seemed best suited to help because of its possessions in the eastern Mediterranean. But the Venetians wanted to preserve peaceful trade with the Ottoman Turks and were not interested. The Holy Roman Empire under Charles V, however, was resisting Turkish aggression, both in North Africa and on his eastern frontier in Hungary. Clement VII convinced Charles V to give Malta to the knights. In 1523 Charles V offered the order Malta, as well as Tripoli, which he had seized in 1510. 46 The French knights, however, were opposed to the plan. France and Spain were at war and they did not want be of any assistance to Spain. De lTsle Adam saw this delay as dangerous. The longer the knights remained homeless, the greater the threat that nationalism would break the order apart. Recruitment of new knights was disrupted by this uncertainty and some rulers, particularly in England, Portugal, and Savoy, were beginning to make encroachments on the order's possessions in their lands. In 1527 a majority of the Chapter General assembled in Viterbo voted to accept Malta. French opposition continued, delaying the formal granting of the islands until March 1530. 47 Soon after being offered Malta, the grand master sent a commission to investigate the islands. They reported that the main island of Malta was rocky with a thin layer of topsoil. While not suitable for the growing of wheat or other grain, they did notice that the land produced an abundance of figs, melons, and other fruits. They further noted that the major trade of the islanders was the exchange of honey, cotton, and cumin for grain. As far as

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water was concerned, except for a few springs in the middle of the island, there was no running water or wells. Rather the Maltese relied mainly upon cisterns. 48 The commissioners then turned to Malta's other physical resources. The commission was impressed with the abundance of easily quarryable stone on Malta. Even more important, the commissioners reported that Malta had two spacious and very fine harbors. These, however, were not well protected. A small fort, named Saint Angelo, was all that guarded Grand Harbour, and it was armed with just three small cannon and a few mortars. It was no doubt these harbors that led the knights to accept Malta. The population of the Maltese Islands at the time was 17,000, with 12,000 on Malta and 5,000 on Gozo. 4 9 On March 24, 1530, Charles V issued the Act of Donation, which gave the Maltese Islands and Tripoli to the Knights of St. John: We, Charles V... bountifully bestow upon the aforesaid very reverend Grand Master of the religion and Order of St. John of Jerusalem, in feudal perpetuity, noble, free, and uncontrolled, our cities, castles, places, and islands of Tripoli, Malta and Gozo... so that they may hereafter hold them in feudal tenure from us, as kings of both Sicilians, and from our successors in the same kingdom... under the sole acknowledgement of a hawk or falcon; which, every year, on the festival of All Saints, shall be presented ... into the hands of the viceroy."50 The Act of Donation disregarded Maltese rights and granted the order "power of life and death over every male and female residing within their limits, and with the laws, constitutions, and rights now existing amongst the inhabitants." 5 1 Furthermore, the inhabitants of Malta were commanded to "receive and consider the said Grand-Master as their true and feudal lord, and the rightful possessor of the aforesaid territories, and shall perform and obey his behests, as good and faithful vassals should always obey their lord." 5 2 Finally, the Act of Donation specified that if the knights left Malta, it was to revert to Charles and his heirs: [I]f the Order should succeed in reconquering the island of Rhodes, and for that reason, or from any other cause, shall depart from these islands... and shall establish their home and convent elsewhere, it shall not be lawful for them to transfer the possession of these islands to any other person without the express sanction of the feudal lord: but if they shall presume so to alienate them without our sanction and license, they shall, in that case, revert to us and to our successors in full sovereignty.53 In July 1530, a squadron of knights arrived on Malta. Grand Master de lTsle Adam came later on October 26, 1530. The knights did not settle in Mdina but rather opted to live in Birgu, one of the two small peninsulas jutting into Grand Harbour, at the tip of which was the small Fort St. Angelo,

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which was turned over by the last castellan. In the creek between Birgu and Senglea, the other small peninsula, the galleys were kept. Since they were still a religious brotherhood, one of their first acts was to select a conventual church. They chose St. Lawrence by the Sea in Birgu, which was built as a small chapel in 1090 and enlarged in 1508. It remained the principal church of the order until the construction of St. John's in Valletta.54 As far as the vast majority of Maltese residents, the peasantry, were concerned, the order provided potential jobs and protection. The nobles, on the other hand, were much cooler in their reception. They were not pleased that the promise not to cede Malta had once again been broken. A protest was made by the Consiglio Popolare and a delegation was sent to Charles V. The emperor ignored it. Thus, from the Maltese point of view, Charles V's actions meant that once again their rights were being ignored.55 Fortunately for all concerned, the knights did not choose to settle in the old city of Mdina, where most of the nobility resided. The knights themselves also ignored Maltese privileges, in particular that of local involvement in the island's affairs through the Consiglio Popolare. Not only were the privileges of the Universita and of the Consiglio Popolare terminated, but furthermore the Maltese nobility were not allowed to enter the order as knights, any Maltese membership being limited to chaplains and serving brothers. De lTsle Adam did not see Malta as a permanent home, but rather hoped to reconquer Rhodes. In 1531 he dispatched an expedition to Modon, a town in Greece where the order had once owned large estates, with the hope that it might serve as an advance base in a project to retake their former home. The admiral Bernardo Salviati, the prior of Rome, led the attack on Modon. Commanding five galleys of the order, along with two of a Genoese privateer, he destroyed a Turkish fleet at Modon and seized the city, but was forced to retire by the arrival of fresh Turkish forces. The order's ships were active on other fronts as well, supporting the activities of the papal squadrons under Andrea Doria in attacks on Coron in 1532 and Corfu in 1537. In 1535 the knights supported Charles V's successful attack on Tunis with its one large carrack, four galleys, and eighteen brigantines.56 When in 1541 Charles V attempted to seize Algiers, the order supported this operation with a force of 400 knights. The operation was mismanaged, however, and the army was forced to retreat. A disaster loomed, but was averted by the rearguard action fought by the knights at the cost of seventy-five brethren. 57 By the time of de lTsle Adam's death in 1534, the defenses of Malta still amounted to the walled city of Mdina and Fort St. Angelo on Birgu. Little was done by his two immediate successors, Pietrino del Ponte (1534-35) and Didier de Tholon Sainte-Jalle (1535-36), to improve the situation. Grand Master Homedes of Aragon (1536-53), on the other hand, stepped up the fortification of Malta. Military experts consulted by the order pointed out

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that the position on Birgu was vulnerable due to being surrounded on all sides by higher ground, particularly by the peninsula across the harbor, Mt. Sciberras. They proposed the construction of a fortified town on Sciberras, but not only was such a task beyond the order's means at that time, it would also have implied abandoning any hope of ever returning to Rhodes. Homedes instead opted for de lTsle Adam's plan for enhancing the defenses of Birgu. He contracted Antonio Feramolino, one of the leading military engineers of the day, who strengthened Fort St. Angelo, adding a large cavalier and deepening the existing ditch between the fort and the town so that it filled with seawater, separating it completely from the rest of the small peninsula, connected only by a bridge. Homedes also began the fortification of the adjacent peninsula and ordered in Venice a huge chain, which was said to cost a hundred ducats per link, to seal off the creek between the two small peninsulas. He also began the construction of a small fort, named St. Elmo, on the tip of Mt. Sciberras. All these works were brought to a completion by his successor, Grand Master Claude de la Sengle (1553-57), after whom the peninsula next to Birgu was named Senglea.58 As the knights struggled to recover on Malta, they were beset by new hardships. The Protestant Reformation resulted in the loss of many territories. In 1545 the Margrave of Brandenburg became Lutheran and the order's territory in northern Germany was taken over. The German Langue continued, however, based upon its Bavarian and Austrian priories. The situation in England was more severe. In 1540, under Henry VIII, the English and Irish priories were dissolved and their properties confiscated, leaving only the small Scottish priory. Five members of the order were martyred by Henry VIII for opposing the Supremacy Act. One of these, Adrian Fortescue, was beatified in 1970. 59 CONCLUSION

After approximately 350 years of existence, the Hospitallers were vulnerable. The knights were in a weakened state after the losses on Rhodes and the Reformation. Furthermore, with the growth of nationalism, the future did not look bright for an international order that had come to be regarded by many as an anachronism. To make matters worse, there was still the ongoing struggle with the Turks to consider and the knights would have less time to prepare for the next round of fighting than they had after the siege in 1480. As they looked about Malta, the gift they had reluctantly accepted, these veterans of so many battles could see that, despite all of their work, the fortifications of Malta were still greatly inferior to those of Rhodes, where they were compelled to surrender in 1522. Unknown to the knights, however, was that the rugged Maltese Islands and its devout people possessed strengths of their own which would complement well those of the Order of St. John.

4

The Great Siege of 1565 Nothing is better known than the siege of Malta. Voltaire, 1694-1778

TURGUT'S RAID

While the final details of the Act of Donation were not resolved until 1530, in 1528 the knights took up the defense of Tripoli. However, holding onto both Malta and Tripoli was beyond the means of the order at the time, as became painfully obvious in 1551 during the reign of Grand Master Homedes. In the mid-sixteenth century, the leading Muslim corsair was Turgut (often referred to as Dragut), who had succeeded the legendary Barbarossa. The Maltese Islands were well known to Turgut, as he had raided them in 1540, 1544, 1546, and 1547. In July 1551 he struck again, landing at Marsamxett unopposed and marching toward the town of Birgu. There was fighting on Mt. Sciberras and the Marsa, the low-lying land at the end of Grand Harbour. Finding the opposition too strong, he reembarked his forces and swept down upon Gozo, taking the whole population of 6,000 off as slaves. Turgut, after receiving reinforcements, then moved on to Tripoli and besieged it. The governor of Tripoli at the time was Gaspar de Vallier. The grand master asked Aramont, the French ambassador to Turkey, who happened to be stopping at Malta on his way to Istanbul, to intervene and negotiate a lifting of the siege. Aramont determined that the situation was hopeless and negotiated a surrender instead. De Vallier and the other knights

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were allowed to leave, but the other troops, including many Maltese, were enslaved. The grand master was furious and had de Vallier imprisoned.1 In this first major attack on the knights since they were driven from Rhodes, the order fared poorly and the Maltese suffered greatly.

THE DECISION TO INVADE MALTA

In 1565 the Ottoman Empire was at its peak under its greatest ruler, Sulieman the Magnificent, the same sultan who drove the order from Rhodes. He was angered by the fact that in all the attacks by Spain upon his African possessions, the galleys of these same knights were present. In addition to territorial attacks, the raiding of Turkish shipping became an increasing irritant. In 1564 Commander Romegas, with two galleys, seized a Turkish merchant ship on its way to Mecca off the Alexandrian coast and took captive the nurse of the sultan's favorite wife, Roxellane. He later captured another ship and made a prisoner of the Sanjak of Alexandria, who had been coming to Istanbul on the sultan's orders. Also in 1564, the French knight Pierre de Gious, commanding a force of seven galleys, seized a very large merchant ship bound for Venice, in spite of its twenty-galley escort. The ship belonged to the chief aga of the Grand Porte, one of the sultan's principal advisers, and, together with its rich cargo, was valued at 80,000 ducats. 2 Roxellane kept urging her husband to destroy Malta, and on her death left money for an expedition. When the news reached Istanbul, in October 1564, that the knights assisted Spain in capturing Velez de la Gomera—a fortified island and base for corsairs off the coast of Morocco—Sulieman summoned his pashas and ministers to a council.J He began by reading two letters from Muslim captives smuggled out of Malta to his advisors. All were moved. The chief aga, who was responsible for Turkish shipping and who had personally lost much in the raids, exclaimed, "[W]e should utterly destroy this little island," though he did regret having to send so mighty a fleet and army against "this accursed and insignificant island." The knights and Maltese, he added, "shall have good reason to know the mighty power of Your Majesty, especially after the siege and capture of Rhodes which was much stronger and better fortified than Malta can possibly be at this moment." 4 All the advisors were pleased by this speech and Sulieman ordered the invasion of Malta. The admiral chosen for the invasion fleet was Piali Pasha, a relatively young man of thirty-five who had married the sultan's granddaughter. In 1558 he served under Turgut in raids on the Italian coastline. In massing his forces, old ships were repaired and twenty new galleys were constructed. All available oarsmen were gathered and when this proved insufficient Piali ordered a press for more in Greece and Anatolia.5

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To command the army Sulieman chose Mustapha Pasha, a veteran of many campaigns and the commander of his armies in the Hungarian war. To give the invasion force more firepower, Sulieman ordered new artillery to be cast. These included seven extra-large pieces. The largest was a nine-ton basilisk firing an iron ball weighing 100 pounds. Two others weighed 13,000 pounds and fired an eighty-pound shot. The remaining four weighed 11,000 pounds and fired a sixty-pound ball.6 Sulieman also ordered that 6,000 of his prized Janissaries, half of the sultan's bodyguard, be selected for the expedition. Other troops were drawn from Anatolia, Greece, and Caramania. So large was this expedition that it prevented Sulieman from addressing other threats. In March 1565, Sulieman responded to an appeal for help from the khan of the Crimea: "You have sent a letter on Russia's activities in your area and you have requested us to provide you with more auxiliaries troops and ammunition. This is impossible at the moment. The reason is that I have decided to send an armada to occupy the island of Malta." 7 As preparations were finalized, Sulieman summoned both commanders for final instructions. He laid before them a grand plan of conquest, with the capture of Malta being the first step, saying, [I]t is my dearest wish to capture the island of Malta... the capture of Malta would gain us considerable wealth and power, for we should then be able to send our fleet into the Western seas, and so enhance our reputation and damage our enemies. There would come a time when we should take that fertile land, Sicily. . . . Thus we should be able to make war upon Italy and upon Hungary, and the great German Empire would become ours. We should extend our sway to the limits of the known world, and your names would become immortal.8 The sultan ordered Piali to show reverence to Mustapha, as he would to his father, and ordered Mustapha to look upon the younger man as a beloved son. He also stated that they should wait for the arrival of Turgut, whom the sultan had commanded to join the expedition. In a December 1564 order to the corsair, Sulieman stated, "I am also relying on you because of your military experience. You should help Mustapha Pasha at sea and you should protect our navy against the enemy's navy, which could set out from other countries to help Malta." 10 To invade Malta the Turks had to bring everything—water, food, and munitions. Hides, woolen sacks, and old tents were even loaded for making defenses and breastworks. Ten large ships were loaded with 100,000 iron cannonballs and 750 tons of powder. One galley alone was required to carry the 18,000 pound cannon and its ammunition. 11 After many months of preparation, the Turkish invasion force left Navarino for Malta on May 12, 1565. The fleet was composed of 130 galleys, thirty galleots, nine barges, ten large merchant ships, and approximately 200 transports. 12 On board were 28,300 soldiers: 6,300 Janissaries, 9,000 Spahis, 4,000 Iayalars, 4,000

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volunteers, and 5,000 levies. This was supplemented later by corsairs from the Levant, as well as the forces of Turgut and Hassan of Algiers. The crews of the fleet would also participate in the campaign. Altogether a total of 40,000 were available to assault Malta. 13 By comparison, the Spanish Armada would sail against England twenty-three years later with 130 ships and 30,000 troops. THE DEFENSES

If the order had difficulty handling Turgut's raiders, it seemed to have little hope in facing so large an invasion force. Fortunately, since the 1551 attacks there had been a change in leadership. In 1557 Jean de la Valette of the Langue of Provence was elected grand master. Seventy years old at the time of the invasion, he had held numerous positions in the order, from being galley captain to admiral of the fleet, as well as bailiff of Lango and governor of Tripoli. He was also present at the Siege of Rhodes as a young knight. A contemporary described him as tall, very well built, with a dignified appearance, comfortable in wielding authority. Despite his age, he was physically robust, with a good memory and keen mind, and experience with warfare on both land and sea. He was also devout and believed firmly in the mission of the order.14 La Valette gathered as much information as he could on the impending attack, having sent spies to Istanbul. The Venetians also relayed information to La Valette. He, in turn, forwarded information to Pope Pius IV and King Philip of Spain, for they were his most likely sources of support once the attack began. The king of Spain's representative was Don Garcia de Toledo, who had been appointed viceroy of Sicily and Captain-General of the Mediterranean Sea. In February 1565, Don Garcia arrived in Italy. After consulting with various Italian rulers and seeing to the defense of Sicily, he visited La Valette in April.15 Don Garcia was concerned for the exposed position of Malta. Both he and Valette were aware that a large expedition was being prepared in Istanbul, but his garrison in Sicily was only 3,000 troops. 16 Don Garcia called for an army of 25,000 to face the coming invasion. To meet this request, Spain drew upon its various Italian garrisons, as well as available Spanish troops, gathering a force of 16,000 troops and sixty galleys. Even this took a great deal of time to assemble. Don Garcia promised Valette that he would come to Malta's aid as soon as possible, and left his son Fadrique as a pledge of his good intentions. Still, Don Garcia needed to be careful. If he lost the army, not only would Malta fall, but all Italy would be open to invasion.17 In the meantime, Malta would be on its own.

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When Turgut attacked in 1551, Grand Harbour was protected by Fort St. Angelo, but he was able to move into the other harbor, Marsamxett, on the opposite side of Mt. Sciberras. It was decided in 1552 that a fort was needed at the tip of Mt. Sciberras to protect the main entrance of the harbor area, preventing an opponent from moving into either Marsamxett or Grand Harbour. It was named Fort St. Elmo. The knights also decided to build a fort at the base of the Senglea peninsula, to be called Fort St. Michael. Both forts were designed by the Spanish engineer Pedro Pardo. 18 St. Michael and the defenses at Birgu would work together to protect the bulk of the population. The creek between the two small peninsulas was closed off with a chain and a pontoon bridge allowed one garrison to come to the help of the other. St. Elmo would be more isolated across Grand Harbour. It was a small, four-pointed star-shaped fort with high limestone walls. It was built on solid rock, so it could not be undermined, and was also surrounded by deep ditches. On the seaward side a cavalier was built. It did, however, have serious weaknesses. It was built quickly, and there were no causeways or dikes within to protect defenders. While it could be covered on one side by the guns of St. Angelo across Grand Harbour, on the Marsamxett side the fort was vulnerable. Worse still, it was dominated by the higher Mt. Sciberras behind it.19 Under La Valette, one of St. Elmo's main weaknesses was addressed when he ordered a ravelin built as an outer work to protect its Marsamxett side. Both the cavalier and the ravelin were connected with the main fort, the former by a drawbridge and the latter by a narrow fixed bridge. The ravelin was only just completed by the time that the Turks reached the islands. La Valette also saw to it that Birgu was strengthened. Its ramparts were raised and reinforced, and its large ditch deepened.20 In the early months of 1565, the order and the Maltese worked feverishly to prepare for the attack. That spring, La Valette made his final preparations. On May 7 he ordered the great chain to be placed across the harbor mouth. Preparations were made to bring all the inhabitants, as well as cattle and crops, into the forts. Even the unripened spring harvest was gathered to deny its use by the enemy. He also appointed Signorino Gattinara, the prior of Messina, to represent him in Sicily and see to it that Don Garcia came through on the promised relief. Meanwhile, a steady stream of knights and supplies came into Malta, many of the knights having to travel great distances. Some, especially those from Germany, would not arrive in time. 21 By the beginning of the siege, the garrison was composed of approximately 600 knights and serving brothers representing all eight Langues,22 1,800 infantry, 800 other troops, and 3,000 Maltese militia for a total force of 6,100. Furthermore, those Maltese men too old for the militia, as well as the women and children, were available for labor on the defenses, as well as a thousand slaves and beasts of burden.23 The only notable omission was the

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Maltese nobility. Their resentment of the knights coming to Malta and not admitting them into the order led them to not participate in any of the battles. THE TURKISH LANDING

On Friday, May 18, the lookouts on both St. Angelo and St. Elmo sighted the Turkish fleet thirty miles away to the southeast. The prearranged signal was given for the inhabitants to take shelter inside the fortifications, and two guns were fired to warn Mdina and Gozo. As the fleet neared the island, it was seen to be making for Marsaxlokk. La Valette sent a force of about 1,000 to oppose the landing. Since the Turks saw that the landing would not be unopposed, they continued sailing along the western coast of Malta. The land force followed it. The next day La Valette, fearing that a landing in their rear might cut them off, ordered most of the force to return to Birgu but sent the cavalry to Mdina as the best place to harass besiegers. Certain now that this was the main invasion, he also sent word to Don Garcia in Sicily.24 The Turks did, in fact, double back and on May 20 began landing at Marsaxlokk. They moved quickly north and began to set up camp in the Marsa, the area adjacent to Grand Harbour between Mt. Sciberras and Senglea. La Valette ordered the further demolition of structures outside the walls of the forts. By the next day, the Turks had landed their infantry, as well as much of their artillery and ammunition. La Valette decided to launch a sortie against the Turks before they became firmly established. Ten of the garrison fell, including two knights, and 100 Turks were killed.25 On May 22, the Turkish leaders held a council despite the fact that Turgut had not yet arrived. Mustapha proposed that he bombard Birgu and Senglea as a feint, while Piali led a force of 10,000 to seize the old city of Mdina, thus cutting off the main garrison in the harbor area from any possible relief from Sicily. Most of the council believed this to be a sensible plan, but Piali was intransigent. Despite the fact that they were to share leadership, he resented the general impression that the elder Mustapha was in overall command. Piali did not want to support a land operation that if successful would be credited to Mustapha, but if a failure would be blamed upon him. The fleet, he claimed, was his responsibility and, believing it to be exposed at Marsaxlokk, argued instead that the first action be to secure a better anchorage for it. He was responsible to the sultan for his mighty fleet, he exclaimed, and the blame for any losses of ships would be laid upon him. Piali said he would not be guilty of neglect and would not leave the fleet for a moment, that is, not until he had a safer anchorage for his ships than Marsaxlokk. 26 Piali's obstinacy and concern for the fleet swayed the council away from Mustapha. In exasperation Mustapha yielded, even though he questioned such concern for the ship's security on an island "where even the inlets are

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harbours." Mustapha feared that the whole success of the operation was being risked and that many men would be lost. Still, he did relent, and promised Piali that he would get the secure anchorage the admiral desired. The army's first objective would be to gain control of Marsamxett, the large harbor separated from Grand Harbour by the Mt. Sciberras peninsula.27 In his account of the siege, Ernie Bradford was very critical of Piali's argument, having many years of experience sailing in the waters about Malta: Piali's argument as to the necessity of occupying Marsamxett was based on a false premise: that there was every likelihood of strong winds or gales from the east and north-east during May and June. The Gregale, the north-easterly which is the most dangerous wind in the central Mediterranean, was rightly to be feared by any seaman. But, where the Turkish admiral was wrong, was in thinking that a Gregale was likely at that season of the year. Such gale-force winds rarely blow around Malta after March, or April at the latest. Marsaxlokk would have served quite adequately for hisfleetduring a summer campaign.28 Thus, rather than beginning the attack against Mdina or the main defenses at Birgu and Senglea, the decision was made to first secure Marsamxett for the fleet. This meant that the first blow would fall upon Fort St. Elmo. The Turkish commanders expected to occupy it in ten days, allowing them ample time to reduce the major fortifications on the island. THE BATTLE OF ST. ELMO On May 24 the Turkish infantry began to move onto Mt. Sciberras. On the next day they began to transport their main artillery from the fleet onto these same heights overlooking the small fort and began constructing gun platforms. La Valette, seeing that St. Elmo was to be the first post attacked, sent reinforcements, including 100 knights, bringing the garrison up to 800. He also made sure it was well supplied with food and munitions. These included powder, lead, incendiaries, and explosives.29 On May 26, a knight came over from St. Elmo and reported that it was impossible to defend so weak a fort against the forces being gathered on Mt. Sciberras and that it should be abandoned. La Valette refused to consider any withdrawal and ordered the fort held. The work on the new gun platforms was completed shortly thereafter and the bombardment of Fort St. Elmo began on May 28. Twenty-four large cannon were involved, targeting the fort and the cavalier. As St. Elmo was being pounded, the soldiers and Maltese civilians took advantage of the respite to work day and night to strengthen the defenses in Birgu and Senglea. The captains of each position directly supervised these improvements, including raising walls and building parapets.30

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Turgut arrived on June 2 with forty-five ships and 2,500 troops from North Africa. He was appalled to learn that the first move was against St. Elmo. Forced to accept that the attack was already in progress, he made suggestions for improving the effectiveness of the Turkish artillery fire. The following day, which happened to be the Feast of St. Elmo, brought tragedy rather than inspiration to the defenders. First, the industrious Turgut set up a new battery of guns on a high point of land at the entrance to the Marsamxett directly across the harbor from St. Elmo, a range of only 600 paces.31 A more serious crisis that day involved the ravelin. The bombardment had continued into the night and, under cover of darkness, Turkish engineers crept forward to examine the effectiveness of their fire. To their surprise, as they approached the ravelin, they were not challenged by the sentries of the outer work. Whether the guards were asleep or had been killed is not known, but, in any case, the engineers signaled to the Janissaries to attack. The elite troops swept forward, overwhelmed the stunned defenders, and seized the ravelin. The garrison in the fort responded with a sortie to recapture the ravelin and a bitter five-hour battle ensued. The Turks continued to feed troops into the struggle and in time the weight of numbers began to tell, forcing the defenders to yield the ravelin and retreat to the fort. In the fighting 500 Turks were killed, compared to eighty of the garrison, including twenty knights. La Valette had the wounded ferried across Grand Harbour under cover of darkness to Birgu, and sent reinforcements to take the place of the fallen. As for the Turks, after seizing the ravelin they began to raise the height of its walls to match those of St. Elmo and mounted two cannon atop it. On June 4, La Valette received word from Don Garcia that he would arrive with a relief force by June 20. 33 Meanwhile, the bombardment of St. Elmo continued and on June 5 the garrison informed the grand master that the situation was hopeless. The walls were tottering, the Turks were bridging the ditch between the ravelin and the fort, and the increased height of the ravelin meant the Turks could fire into the fort. Again La Valette refused. He agreed with Mustapha and Turgut that the attack on St. Elmo was a mistake and wanted the Turks to waste their time on it while the relief was being gathered in Sicily.34 By June 8 the small fort had been bombarded eleven days, and the strain on the garrison was becoming too much to bear. A letter, signed by fiftythree knights, was sent to the grand master begging him for permission to sally out and fight the enemy in the open. If they were lucky, they might recover the ravelin, but at least they would die like knights. La Valette in reply ordered them to stay at their posts and hold St. Elmo until the arrival of the relief.35 While denied permission to attack, the garrison did get its wish to grapple with the enemy, as the Turks made their first attack on St. Elmo that

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day. While some parties probed the defenses all along the walls, the main assault force attacked along the bridge on the western side across the ditch. This battle lasted seven hours and was repulsed, costing 500 Turks their lives, as well as killing forty of the garrison.36 The following morning, Saturday, June 9, another message arrived from the fort stating that the garrison was in a state of despair and demanded to be withdrawn. La Valette, who had himself survived the terrible siege at Rhodes and knew well what they were suffering, remained determined that St. Elmo be held as long as possible. He also understood the psychology of soldiers, particularly that of medieval knights, which was so dominated by the sense of personal honor. He responded, Your petition to leave St. Elmo for the safety of Birgu is now granted. This evening, as soon as the relieving force has landed, you may take the boats back. Return, my Brethren, to the Convent and to Birgu, where you will be in more security. For my part, I shall feel more confident when I know that the fort— upon which the safety of the island so greatly depends—is held by men whom I can trust.37 The effect of the letter was decisive. The garrison now begged to stay, saying that they would all die in St. Elmo. Convinced of their resolve, La Valette sent 100 soldiers to replace those who had fallen, keeping up the daily transfusion of blood that kept St. Elmo alive.38 On Sunday, June 10, the Turkish army bombarded the fort, probed the defenses with an attack, resumed the bombardment into the night, and then launched an all-out assault. The night was lit as bright as day by the number of flares and incendiaries employed. These included fire hoops, an item some claimed to be invented by La Valette himself. These were barrel hoops covered with combustible material and dipped in pitch until they were as large a person's leg. During the attack these hoops were lit and tossed among the Turkish troops where, due to the flowing Turkish robes, they had devastating effect. The fight continued until dawn and the Turks retired after suffering over a thousand casualties.39 After the repulse of the general assault, La Valette sent more men into St. Elmo and continued the work of strengthening the main defenses at Birgu and Senglea. He kept in contact with Mdina and the outside world largely through Maltese couriers who had to swim the last part of the trip to his headquarters at Fort St. Angelo. The most famous of these was Toni Bajada, who had once been a Turkish slave and spoke their language very fluently. He was a magnificent swimmer and was prominent throughout the siege.40 Meanwhile, the Turkish bombardment resumed. It was constant, interspersed with minor assaults to keep defenders from gaining any rest. According to the knight Pepe di Ruvo, who did not survive the siege, on an average day no less than 6,000 shots were fired at St. Elmo.41

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During the night of June 15-16 the Turkish army massed on the high ground near the fort. They prayed loudly throughout the night, keeping the defenders awake. At sunrise they attacked. Large amounts of incendiaries were used by both sides, and the battle went poorly for the garrison when the wind changed and blew the smoke into their eyes. To make matters worse, the fireworks of St. Elmo caught fire, burning many defenders to death. Then a party of thirty attackers using scaling ladders gained a foothold on the walls. Seeing this, La Valette ordered the cannon of St. Angelo to open fire on the attackers, but the situation went from bad to worse when the first round was off target and killed eight defenders. It was the moment of crisis, and the garrison of St. Elmo, who had suffered so much and had called repeatedly for evacuation, rose to the occasion. They did not panic under the friendly fire, but kept their composure, signaled adjustments to the St. Angelo gunners, and the next round mowed down twenty of the enemy. The garrison counterattacked, killing the remaining attackers and flinging their bodies from the walls. The assault lasted seven hours and the Turks fell back after losing over a thousand of their best warriors. The garrison lost 150 dead and many more wounded. Balbi recounted that he was told by wounded knights taken from St. Elmo that it was not only they and their soldiers who fought well, but the Maltese militia as well, saying that each of them fought "as if he were a man of noble birth." 42 The small fort's condition had become deplorable and La Valette ceased to order anyone to St. Elmo, calling instead for volunteers. Thirty knights and 300 other troops responded and rowed across Grand Harbour into the smoldering ruins.4 As for the Turks, who were becoming increasingly frustrated, they resumed the bombardment of St. Elmo on June 17. During this time, Turgut was active in positioning new cannon and coordinating their fire, much of this work being done in exposed positions. On Monday, June 18, he ordered the establishment of a new battery near the water level on the Grand Harbour side of Mt. Sciberras to prevent any further reinforcements from reaching St. Elmo. As he was supervising this work, a cannonball struck nearby, throwing off sharp pieces of rock, one of which hit him in the head. Although not killed because of his turban, he was taken bleeding and unconscious back to the camp. La Valette needed St. Elmo to hold out until June 20, when Don Garcia promised he would arrive with the relief force. They had done so, but instead of relief, the major development of June 20 was the completion of Turgut's battery, blocking any further reinforcement of St. Elmo. As their cannon reduced what remained of the walls, the Turks tossed what trees and shrubbery could be found into the ditch, mixing them with earth and thereby frustrating the defenders' attempts to burn this impromptu bridge. On June 22, after a night of bombardment and numerous false alarms to deprive the defenders of sleep, the third general assault was launched against St. Elmo at dawn. Balbi recorded that the noise was tremendous and the

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violence of the attack was truly terrifying, that indeed it was by far the most effective attack made to date on St. Elmo. The attack lasted six hours and Balbi records Turkish losses as 2,000 killed and 4,000 wounded. Once again the garrison of St. Elmo met the challenge, but at a terrible price. Five hundred of the garrison lay dead and all that remained were a hundred wounded, exhausted men. A swimmer from St. Elmo reported the condition of the garrison and begged for assistance. He reported that there was not a man left in St. Elmo who was not covered with his own blood as well as that of the enemy, and that there was no ammunition left.44 La Valette decided to send reinforcements, despite the risk posed by Turgut's new battery. Four boats were sent with volunteers and munitions but were stopped by the Turkish cannon and compelled to turn back. Balbi recounted, "That same night our poor brothers in St. Elmo, realizing that no relief could reach them, made themselves ready to die in the service of Jesus Christ." 45 Mustapha did not resume the bombardment, but ordered another attack the following day. On June 23, the eve of the Feast of St. John the Baptist, the patron saint of the order, the Turks launched their final attack. The remnants of the garrison manned the walls as best they could, but some knights were too wounded to stand and had to fight from chairs. Despite their condition, the defenders held out for four hours before being overwhelmed. The news of the final storming of the fort was brought to Turgut. Unable to speak, he indicated joy at the news and then, after raising his eyes to heaven as if in thankfulness, he died.46 Piali moved his ships into Marsamxett, but it had been gained at a terrible price. Turkish losses were 8,000, including the famous Turgut. Furthermore, a month had been lost. Unlike Rhodes, it would not be possible to live off the land and continue the siege throughout the winter. It had to be completed in what remained of the summer against the main defenses.47 Mustapha, after gaining St. Elmo, looked from its ruins to the much larger Fort St. Angelo and exclaimed, "Allah! If so small a son has cost us so dear, what price shall we have to pay for so large a father?" 48 The fight for St. Elmo had been hard on the besieged as well, who lost 1,500 in its defense. Of the order, eighty-nine knights were killed, as well as seventeen serving brothers. 49 The majority of the fallen were Maltese. On the following day, the Feast of St. John, the survivors in Birgu and Senglea were again reminded that they faced a fierce foe. Along the ruined ramparts of St. Elmo they saw the heads of four knights on the points of lances. Other corpses were decapitated, had a cross cut into their chests, and then were nailed to crossbeams of wood in mockery of the crucifixion and allowed to wash up on the shore of Birgu. The intention of this treatment of the fallen was no doubt to intimidate the remaining defenders and cow them into submission. But if that was the idea, then Balbi noted how much it had failed. He wrote that the sight of the treatment of their dead friends roused in

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them a desire for vengeance. It also convinced the defenders that their only chance for survival lay in resisting, and each one, from knight to Maltese militia, fought with added fervor.50 While it was not recorded by Balbi, Abbe Vertot, a seventeenth-century historian of the Order Vertot, claimed that in retaliation for these atrocities La Valette had Turkish prisoners beheaded, loaded the severed heads into cannon, and fired them into the Turkish lines. THE ASSAULTS ON BIRGU AND SENGLEA

The Turkish army shifted its cannon from Mt. Sciberras in preparation for the next attack. The main defenses were centered on the town and peninsula of Birgu, with Fort St. Angelo at its tip and the Post of Castile dominating its landward defenses. Senglea's protection rested on Fort St. Michael. During the fight for St. Elmo, the other garrisons worked to considerably improve the defenses of Birgu and Senglea.

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It took time to relocate the artillery batteries and the Turkish bombardment did not begin until July 3. Well before that time, it became obvious they were going to focus on Fort St. Michael. Artillery was established on the Corradino Heights, which overlooked Marsa Creek and Senglea. On June 29, before the Turks could move their main army into position, La Valette sent a team of 1,000 Maltese with picks and iron bars to demolish some houses near the fortifications, along with a force of arquebusiers for escort. The Turkish forces on Corradino Heights saw this and tried to prevent the work but were held off. The Maltese laborers demolished a large number of these structures in a short time, recovering a large amount of wood for Birgu, before La Valette ordered them to retire as Turkish reinforcements began to arrive.51 Also on this day, a Turkish slave arrived to ask if La Valette was willing to meet with a special envoy to negotiate the surrender of the islands to the sultan. Mustapha and Piali, the messenger continued, suggested that the survivors not display the same obstinancy as at St. Elmo, or else they would receive the same treatment. Now was the time to accept their clemency. The Turkish leaders, the messenger concluded, were willing to grant the knights, as well as their arms, a safe passage to Sicily.52 La Valette responded by ordering the slave hung, which caused him to fall on his knees and beg for mercy. The effect on the knights and Maltese witnessing the event was dramatic. The man changed immediately from the bearer of the Turkish leader's proud words to a weeping beggar at the feet of La Valette. When his knights pleaded for the slave's life, La Valette pardoned him, which he intended to do after having demonstrating the resolve of the garrison to the envoy. Then, wanting the slave to take another message back to his masters, La Valette had him blindfolded and led to the walls of Birgu. They uncovered his eyes and let him see the depth of the ditch and the height of the walls. When asked what he thought of the position, the slave answered, "The Turks will never take Birgu."53 La Valette then said, "Tell your master that this is the only territory that I will give him... provided only that he fills it with the bodies of his Janissaries." 4 The next day, a Turkish deserter tried to swim across Grand Harbour. He only made it halfway before tiring, but by that time three swimmers from the garrison, including one Maltese named Giulio, reached him and helped him the rest of the way. He was sent to La Valette, who asked why he had come over, and the soldier replied he wished to rejoin the faith of his ancestors and become a Christian. His name was Philip de Lascaris, and he was a descendant of a prominent Greek family.55 He also had useful information. He informed La Valette that he had, presumably while on guard duty, noticed a significant force entering Mdina. Rather than report this information, he decided to desert. He also warned that the first assault would be made simultaneously by land and sea.

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On July 2, Toni Bajada arrived before dawn from Mdina, confirming that a relief force had landed. The initial joy was dampened, however, by the fact that it was not the large relief promised by Don Garcia, but a force of 700 men led by Melchior de Robles, commander of the Sicilian garrison. Not only was it less than hoped for, but La Valette wondered how the small force could reach Senglea and Birgu. Both Lascaris and Bajada agreed that the best route for the relief to take was down the coast from Mdina as far as Kalkara Creek and from there to be ferried over to Birgu. Bajada returned to Mdina along with other guides to lead them along this path. 56 This force, known as the Piccolo Soccorso or the Little Relief, including fifty-six gunners and forty-two knights, was unable to reach Malta before hostilities began.57 Led by Bajada and the other Maltese guides, the force set out one hour before sunset on July 3, and de Robles marched his men all night. Observing strict order, silence, and discipline, they passed behind the Turkish army. If they were seen or heard, they must have been thought to be Turkish troops moving into position. The relief force reached the rendezvous on the following morning, just two hours before dawn, and were rowed over to Birgu, to the great joy of the defenders.58 This boost to morale was badly needed, for on the day before, July 3, the Turkish bombardment began. It started with twenty-five heavy guns, six on Birgu alone, fourteen on Senglea, and a battery of six guns on Mt. Sciberras. Twelve more cannon were added July 5. Many women and children were killed at this time as they were working on the defenses. La Valette ordered that only slaves were to do such repair work in exposed positions, hoping that the Turks would hold their fire. They did not and during the siege over 500 slaves were killed out of 1,000.59 On July 6 it was noticed that six boats had been dragged overland across Mt. Sciberras and were now in the water sheltered behind Corradino Heights. As Lascaris had warned, Mustapha planned to attack Senglea by land and sea. As each day passed the bombardment continued, while more and more boats were gathered for the upcoming amphibious assault. One week later there were eighty boats. 60 La Valette responded by having a line of heavy piles driven into the seabed. Set twelve to fifteen paces apart and twelve paces offshore, these stakes were bound by a chain that passed through a hole in each and connected them all together. It was built to be strong enough to resist a galley rowed against it at full speed.61 It was constructed by Maltese workmen and sailors, who accomplished this work over nine nights to avoid Turkish snipers.62 Six boats patrolled behind the chain to protect the points were the chains were affixed. At dawn on July 11, four Turks with axes in their belts descended the Corradino Heights and swam underwater to the defenses. They then climbed on the chain, positioned themselves astride it, and proceeded to hack

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away at the links. The defenders sounded the alarm, but the Turks had stationed numerous musketeers who provided effective covering fire. Four Maltese soldiers, seeing the crisis and without waiting for orders, stripped off their clothing and, armed only with light weapons, dove into the water. The Maltese swam up to the men on the chain and attacked so fiercely that they abandoned their task and took to the water. Despite the numerous shots from the Turkish musketeers, the Maltese swimmers pursued them, killed one of the Turks, and wounded the others. The Turkish attempt to break the chain had been thwarted and, ducking musket shot at their backs, not one of the Maltese swimmers was lost. This incident prompted Balbi to write in admiration, "Their spirit and ferocity was such that-not just for Maltese, but for any other nation-it would have been impossible to show greater courage." 63 The swimmer's names were Pietro Bola, Gianni del Pont, Francisco Salatron, and a man known simply as Martin. 64 In between bombardments there would be taunting. One soldier in the Turkish army addressed the Maltese, trying to encourage them to abandon the knights and change sides, saying they would be rewarded by the sultan. Balbi noted that two old Maltese soldiers, Paulo Micho and Paulo Daula, responded to the tempter. Paulo Daula shouted back, "We would rather be slaves of St. John than companions of the sultan!" The other man, Paulo Micho, spoke for all of the Maltese soldiers in the garrison when he said that he would meet any attack with his sword and shield, "defending my God, my country, my wife, and my children." 65 On Saturday, July 14, Hassan, the pasha of western Algiers, arrived with twenty-five more galleys.66 The next morning, after twelve days of bombardment, the all-out assault was finally launched. The invasion flotilla now numbered 100 and carried 3,000 troops, richly dressed in scarlet, gold, and silver robes, topped by splendid turbans. In addition to the seaborne attack, 8,000 troops attacked the landward defenses of Senglea, led by Hassan and his Algerians. Altogether, the Turks committed a total of 11,000 troops to the assault.67 The boats charged the chain at full speed, hoping to break it, but the chain held. The troops were forced to jump into the waist-deep water and proceed toward land. As the Turks straggled out of the water with wet clothes and weapons, they were met with musket fire, incendiaries, and stones. Since the wet clothes mitigated the incendiaries, the defenders relied more on hurling stones. Seeing the attack from the sea floundering, ten of the largest Turkish boats,filledmostly with Janissaries, made for the very tip of Senglea where the chain ended and there appeared to be a spot to land. It is not known when they saw it, but as they neared the spot, they came straight on the battery of Francisco de Guiral, which La Valette had posted there for just such an occasion. De Guiral waited until they were so close he could not possibly miss,

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and then opened fire with a five-gun salvo made up of shot, stones, pieces of chain, and iron caltrops or "thistles of iron." Nine of the ten boats were sunk by the blast and 800 troops were either killed outright or drowned.68 The attack lasted five hours. In addition to the Maltese troops, the women and children also hurled stones on their attackers and upended over them great cauldrons of boiling water. Finally, the land attack retreated. Those still fighting from the water, seeing this, tried to withdraw, but the boats had retired. Seeing this force exposed, the garrison sortied and wiped it out, saving only four for questioning. The Maltese who sallied out of Senglea on the stranded seaborne force cried out "Remember St. Elmo!" and "St. Elmo's pay!" The day ended with 250 Christian dead, including the son left behind by Don Garcia, and nearly 3,000 Turkish dead. 69 Six standards were captured and laid in St. Lawrence and a Te Deum was sung. The bombardment resumed on July 16 with sixty-eight cannon. Balbi noted that, with the tremendous noise and concussion, it seemed as if the end of the world had arrived when all of these guns fired simultaneously. So great was the noise, in fact, that Balbi claimed the sound could be clearly heard in Syracuse and Catania, 120 miles away. 70 Both Birgu and Senglea were targeted. By July 27 the walls of both St. Michael and the Post of Castile had been practically leveled to the ground. But the rubble itself would prove to be a hindrance and both soldiers and civilians alike worked feverishly to make repairs.71 Back in Istanbul, Sulieman was growing concerned. On July 16 he sent a letter to Mustapha asking for word of progress and, unaware of Turgut's death, asked if the corsair had arrived: I sent you over to Malta a long time ago in order to conquer it. But I have not received any message from you. I have decreed that as soon as my order reaches you, you should inform me about the siege of Malta. Has Turgut, bey of Trablus, arrived there and has he been of any help to you? What about the enemy navy? Have you managed to conquer any part of the Malta? You should write to me telling me everything.7

Finally another general assault was launched on August 2, again against St. Michael. The Turks bombarded until noon, then attacked. After five hours of fighting a party of twenty Turks reached the top of the ruined walls. A counterattack drove them off and the Turks retreated. The attackers lost 600 and the garrison suffered forty dead and many wounded. Fortunately the order's medical facilities and experience would get all but the most seriously injured back on the line.73 The August 2 attack seriously tested the defenses, but La Valette was able to send reinforcements from Birgu. In his book on the siege, Ernie Bradford commented on the participation of the Maltese. He stressed that in this life-and-death struggle, there was no room for a single useless hand. Everyone, men, women, and children,

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worked to repair the walls and manufacture incendiaries. In the brief lulls between attacks, La Valette sent messages to the viceroy in Sicily. Bradford noted the heroism of the Maltese couriers: "Despite the encirclement of the two peninsulas, it is a tribute to the Maltese who were used as messengers that reports still got through." They would slip out of the embattled towns, swimming across the harbor under cover of darkness and often underwater. Once ashore, they took advantage of their knowledge of the land to slip through the enemy's lines to Mdina. The messages would then be sent north to Gozo. From there fishermen would evade Piali's patrols at night, and deliver the messages to Sicily.74 After only a few days of bombardment, Mustapha was ready to attack again. His ammunition was getting low and time was getting short. The Turks had come close in the last attack on Fort St. Michael, but La Valette had reinforced the threatened post from Birgu. Mustapha now decided to attack both Senglea and Birgu simultaneously. On August 7, St. Michael was attacked by 8,000, and 4,000 attacked the Post of Castile.75 Throughout the day, La Valette stood in the square in Birgu with the reserve. At the height of the attack, a knight from the Post of Castile came rushing to La Valette, exclaiming that the Turks were breaking through. The grand master, without showing a trace of emotion, replied, "Come, my knights, let us all go and die there! This is the day!" The standard of the sultan had been planted on the walls by the time La Valette led the counterattack. It was a vicious fight and the seventy-year-old grand master was in the thick of it. By the end of the battle he was wounded in the leg and surrounded by twenty dead, but despite the entreaties of his knights would not retire until the Turks were driven back. Part of the battle involved a tugof-war over the sultan's flag. The knights got the staff and the Turks the flag, but not before its silk and gold tassels had been singed.76 The defenders fought with every ounce of their strength and everyone was a soldier that day. The eighteenth-century knight Louis de Boisgelin spoke with respect and admiration for the contribution of the women of Malta: Whilst the peaceful inhabitants of the country, together with the citizens, joined their forces to defend the island, their wives and children performed actions which in some degree equaled the resolute valour of the knights. If paternal and conjugal affection inspired these men with a strength and courage hitherto unknown to them, some of the women likewise nobly exposed themselves to the greatest dangers, in order, if possible, to save by their exertions husbands, fathers, brothers, and children. Part of these resolute females were employed in carrying stones, arrows, food, and different refreshments, to the combatants, whilst the rest boldly mixed among them, and threw fire-works, boiling water, melted pitch, into the midst of the Turks. The dread of being deprived, not only of their liberty but of their honour, should they be taken by the infidels, made these valiant women rise superior to the fear of death. The Turks, naturally fierce and cruel, were so incensed at being opposed by such weak though courageous enemies, that they

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showed them no quarter, but slew a great number with the sword, and destroyed others by throwing, in their turn, fire-works amongst them.77

The battle lasted nine hours, from dawn to afternoon. Throughout the attack, the Turks fed fresh troops into the assault. There were no fresh soldiers to relieve the garrison. The defenders stayed at their posts throughout the fight, arms becoming increasingly weary wielding their weapons in meeting attack after attack. Mustapha kept the pressure on and eventually his plan began to work. Both garrisons were hard pressed and each was unable to come to the aid of the other. 78 Mustapha was taking no chances this time and made a maximum effort. No one who could fight was left in the camp; all were sent against the walls. Their first success came when they breached the outer works of Birgu, but were then stopped at the inner wall that La Valette had constructed behind it. Still, the pressure on Birgu meant St. Michael could not be helped. Finally Turkish troops had gained control of part of the walls of St. Michael and had a foothold in the fort. Victory for the Turks seemed imminent, when suddenly Mustapha heard cries that the Christian relief force had arrived in their rear!79 In response to this threat, Mustapha pulled his troops from the attack and formed a defensive front on Santa Margarita Hill, backed up by the artillery sited there. For a time the situation was very confused, but it soon became clear.80 From the heights upon which Mdina sits, the main harbor area is easily visible. Mesquita, the governor of Mdina, saw that an all-out assault was taking place against Birgu and Senglea and dispatched a force under the Chevalier de Lugny to see what assistance they could provide.81 De Lugny's patrols noticed that the Turkish camp in the Marsa was virtually abandoned, and he attacked at once with a force of only 100 cavalry and 100 infantry. They descended upon the camp unopposed, burning it and killing all they encountered, shouting as they did so, "Victory and Relief!"82 Mustapha was enraged to learn that he had been robbed of victory by so small a band and moved against the cavalry force. Every horseman took a foot soldier up behind him and, without losing a single man and inflicting many casualties on the enemy, they retired to Mdina. The Turks lost 2,200 killed in the attack on August 7 and still Malta remained unconquered.83 At the sight of his ruined camp and the thought of his lost victory, Mustapha tore his beard and swore by the bones of his fathers that upon taking Malta he would put every man but the grand master to the sword. La Valette he wanted captured alive, so that he could lead him in chains to kneel at the feet of Sulieman. THE FINAL DAYS OF THE SIEGE

Malta had been saved by supreme effort and the initiative of the 200 men from Mdina, but the situation remained desperate. Don Garcia informed La

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Valette that he could not arrive before late August. The grand master responded in turn that the fortifications were in a state of complete ruin and that he had lost the flower and elite of his knights. Of the survivors, most were either injured or in the hospital. La Valette asked that if Don Garcia could not bring a relief force, to at least send those members of the order gathered at Sicily, saying that it was preferable that all the brethren die together.85 Some advised the grand master at this point that it would be best to withdraw with what remained of the order into the citadel of Fort St. Angelo. La Valette rejected the plan, which would have meant abandoning the Maltese who had loyally shouldered such a large part of the defense. It could be that he remembered that at Rhodes the final straw had been the demand of the people to surrender, and he did not wish to betray those who had stood steadfast. Instead he had the order's relics and other items of great value taken into St. Angelo and then had its bridge removed. Balbi noted that La Valette was making it clear to everyone that there would be no retreat, "that we should either die in Birgu or successfully defend it." 86 Mustapha, meanwhile, aggressively pursued the siege, employing a variety of stratagems to conquer Malta. He varied his attacks, trying to draw defenders from one post before hitting the other. He tried mining, but with little success due to the terrain. After this failed, Mustapha had a large, long barrel filled with gunpowder, nails, shot, and chain. This "infernal machine" was dragged up to the walls and its fuses lit. The garrison quickly got to the device and, with its slow-burning fuse, rolled it back. It bounced right into the waiting assault force before going off.87 In another engineering feat, Mustapha had a siege tower constructed. It was a difficult undertaking with the lack of wood on the island but when completed the tower overlooked Birgu. The defenders were frantic to destroy this threat, but the frame was protected by soaked leather and it could not be burned. A Maltese carpenter examined the structure and informed the grand master that the weakness of the tower appeared to be in its lower sections. La Valette had Maltese workmen remove the blocks of stone opposite the tower. When everything was ready, the outer stones were removed and a cannon was run up. Making use of his naval expertise, the grand master had the cannon loaded with chain shot, rather than solid shot. The chain shot, two half-balls connected with a chain and generally used to dismast ships, whipped out and tore through the lower sections of the tower, bringing it down with a crash. The cannon was then quickly pulled back and the wall resealed.88 The bombardment and attacks continued. It should be noted that the Turkish land attacks included sailors as well as soldiers. The Malta Campaign Register acknowledged many from the fleet who displayed heroism in assaulting St. Elmo, Birgu, and Senglea.89 Despite their contribution, Mustapha was running out of troops and was compelled to have camp

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servants dressed in the uniforms of dead Janissaries to add more moral impact to the attack. The garrison's ranks were getting very thin as well and the fighting fell more and more on those used to more benign occupations. After the repulse of an attack on August 20, Balbi told the story of Marco, La Valette's Maltese tailor, who fought gallantly throughout the siege. Marco, however, would never return to the world of fashion: "After fighting like a veritable Hector, he was burned to death by incendiaries."90 Toward the end of August as the prospects of taking Birgu and Senglea became slim, Mustapha decided that the seizure of Mdina and the enslavement of its inhabitants might, should Malta not fall, soften the displeasure of the sultan. He sent 4,000 against the old city. The governor of Mdina, who had contributed to the victory of August 7, now used his ingenuity to save himself. He lined the ramparts of the old walled city with every cannon available and sent to the walls every available person to give the fortress a more formidable look. Not only soldiers, but also the civilians, including many women, were dressed in uniforms. The Turkish engineers, not wishing to endure another St. Elmo, declared that an assault would be impractical against so large and well armed a garrison. Mustapha cancelled the operation. 91 By August 29, as Turkish morale plummeted, the troops had to be forced to attack by their officers, who drove them with swords and sticks. Operations continued until September 7, when the defenders observed the besiegers beginning to break camp, loading the many cannon and burning the gun platforms. Since the time of the Little Relief, 200 more knights had gathered in Sicily from distant lands. Even by mid-August, Don Garcia did not feel that he had enough troops to attempt a lifting of the siege. The knights present, however, were anxious to get to Malta and were impatient with the viceroy. When he chastised one knight for not addressing him by his proper title of "Excellency," the Hospitaller replied: "Sire, provided that we arrive in Malta in time to save the Religion I will give you what titles you please'Excellency,' 'Your Highness,' even if you wish, 'Your Majesty.' " 9 2 Don Garcia finally sailed on August 25 with fifty-eight vessels and 10,000 men. 93 It was a difficult passage. Now, three months later, came the gales which Piali feared in May and that had caused the Turkish army to attack St. Elmo first. Ships were damaged and the fleet was forced to return to Sicily for repairs. It was not ready to sail again until September 4. The force went first to the small island of Linosa, where Don Garcia received La Valette's latest message. In it, he learned that the best places to land would be either Mgarr or Mellieha in the north. Another round of bad weather caused some damage and led some of the ships to become separated. This same bad weather, however, kept the Turkish ships in harbor. On September 6 the fleet reunited and in the darkness slipped through the Gozo Channel unnoticed. On the morning of September 7 they reached Mellieha Bay and

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began to land 8,000 troops. 94 The relief force had finally arrived and the Turkish leaders ordered a retreat. On the following day, Saturday, September 8, the invaders began to leave Malta, prompting Balbi to joyously record, "Never, I believe, did music sound so sweet to human ears as did the peal of our bells on this day, the Nativity of Our Lady." This day was the Feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary on the Church calendar, and at the Mass the survivors thanked God and the Blessed Mother for seeing them through to the end. 95 September 8 has since been celebrated on Malta as the Feast of Our Lady of Victory, a national holiday. After landing this force, Don Garcia immediately returned to Sicily to pick up an additional 4,000. The relief force stopped briefly at Mdina, and then marched out to the ridge near Naxxar, spending the night of September 7 in this strong defensive position. Meanwhile, the survivors from Birgu and Senglea reoccupied St. Elmo, and the flag of St. John fluttered from its ramparts as the Turks evacuated Marsamxett. The tenacious Mustapha, when he learned that the relief force was only 8,000, ordered 9,000 troops to disembark and the fleet to move north to St. Paul's Bay. The commander of the relief force, Ascanio de la Corna, wanted to receive the Turkish attack along the strong position of the ridge. The knights present, however, could not be held back. "There is the enemy!" they cried. "And there in the distance are the smoking ruins where our brethren died!" Down the ridge they charged toward the enemy. Deciding that it was better to take advantage of the spirit of the moment, rather than restrain it, de la Corna ordered his whole command to charge. The nearby garrison of Mdina also joined in the attack. The Turks, demoralized by their past failures and further demoralized by being landed again, were in no condition for battle. Many fled outright for St. Paul's Bay and the rest resisted in varying degrees, some resolutely and others half-heartedly. Mustapha organized the best rearguard he could while the army was evacuated. One estimate was that 3,000 Turks died.96 The Turks left Malta for good and Don Garcia returned with 4,000 more troops on September 14. 97 The siege was over. LOSSES AND CONSEQUENCES "Malta of gold, Malta of silver, Malta of precious metal, We shall never take you!" This is the opening line of a song celebrating the great victory of 1565 that became famous in the Mediterranean. In the following lines of this proud song, the Turks exclaim that they could never take Malta, not even if it were as soft as a gourd or only protected by an onion skin.98 The immediate days following the end of the conflict, however, were more somber as both sides counted the cost. While some estimates of Turkish losses ran as high as 35,000," a total of 30,000 appears more accurate. This includes

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soldiers as well as the numerous naval personnel who also participated in the assaults. 100 The casualty rates for the defenders are even more difficult to estimate because of the lack of distinction between civilians and combatants. Balbi recorded that 7,000 Maltese men, women, and children were killed.101 Of the knights, 265 were killed and most of the rest wounded, many maimed for life.102 By the end only 600 of the garrison were still able to bear arms. 103 Mustapha and Piali wisely sent a fast boat ahead to inform Sulieman of the failure, allowing his temper to subside and the leaders to keep their heads. The failure at Malta frustrated his ambitions to move further west into the Mediterranean and the powerful sultan died the next year. It was hard for such a proud people as the Turks to accept defeat against so small an island. Turkish tourists to Malta, upon seeing the memorials to the siege, have stated that there is a Turkish phrase "Malta Yok," that is, "Malta doesn't exist." A fleet did indeed sail for Malta, they say, but it could not find the island and had to turn back. 104 The discovery and publication of the 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register in 1998, which includes the names of many who died at Malta, has put that debate to rest. As for La Valette, he became a hero throughout Europe and was honored by many monarchs. Even Protestant Queen Elizabeth ordered the church bells of England rung to celebrate the victory. The successful stand at Malta saved the Knights of St. John and gave them a new lease on life. In his history of the order, Henry Sire wrote, For the Knights of St. John... the importance of the siege was incalculable: if they had lost two islands in the space of half a century their reputation as the shield of Christian Europe could hardly have survived. The Order would doubtless have disintegrated into national fragments, an obsolete relic of the past. Instead La Valette and his band of knights had given Europe an exploit of such enduring resonance that two centuries later Voltaire could write, "Rien n'est plus connu que le siege de Make."105

While the Knights of St. John received virtually all of the credit for winning the Great Siege, at the time as well as in the histories written since, the Maltese role in campaign was critical. It is true that the Maltese could never have resisted so large an armada by themselves (though, of course, one may well argue that such an attack would never have been launched had it not been for the knights). Still, it is likewise true that the knights would not have won without the Maltese. The Maltese contribution took many forms. There was the construction and expansion of the fortifications in the short time prior to the attack, as well as the repairs made during the siege, by people who were expert at working with the native rock. It was the Maltese couriers who kept La Valette in touch with the outside world. Often these men had to make their way onto Mt. Sciberras and swim across Grand Harbour under fire. It was

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Maltese guides, led by Toni Bajada, who brought the Little Relief safely into Birgu. Above all were the Maltese in combat, standing by the steel-clad knights, facing the Turkish attacks. Certainly some actions were more notable than others, such as the Maltese who prevented the destruction of the chain by swimming up to and attacking the demolition team. But there was also the contribution of the older men, the women, and the children, who stood by the Maltese militia and fought for their common freedom. In recognition of their valor, Birgu was renamed Vittoriosa, the victorious city, and goes by both names to this day. In 1565, everything from Malta's past since 5000 BCE came together at the siege. The Maltese Islands themselves frustrated the attackers. Its stone and scarcity of earth made mining and digging entrenchments difficult. The lack of forests meant little wood for bridging and towers. The smallness of the islands meant insufficient food and water to sustain so large an invading force. While the order's forts at the siege of Rhodes were individually stronger, the Maltese Islands as a whole proved to be one impenetrable fortress. The Maltese did not fight out of love for the knights. This is obvious from the actions of the nobility. In the long, long history of the islanders, foreign rulers were seen as necessary evils. In 1565, despite reservations about how the order took control of the islands, the Maltese resolved that it was in their interests, for reasons of both faith and personal liberty, to fight. As long as the knights were resolved to fight to the end, and La Valette was a great inspiration to the people in this regard, they would not ask for surrender as did the people of Rhodes. They would endure to the end. The siege was a terrible cross for the Maltese people to bear. And it would not be the last. But the memory of the siege had material effect for those later, tragic times. In 1565 the Maltese learned what, with faith, they as a people were capable of enduring.

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Hospitaller Malta Equals in its noble architecture, if it even does not excel, any capitol of Europe. Benjamin Disraeli (1804-81) on Valletta

in after the repulse of the Turkish invasion, La Valette feared the Turks would return soon. He was anxious to improve the fortifications and replace those knights killed or maimed during the siege. Some knights even suggested that the order leave Malta, but La Valette would not hear of it. As far as the grand master was concerned, the order had invested too much of its most precious commodities, blood and honor, in defending the islands. Furthermore, Malta had proved to be a natural fortress. La Valette was determined to stay and concentrated on repairing the existing defenses. In time the order's association with the islands became so complete that to this day they continue to be known as the Knights of Malta. This identification of the knights with Malta is symbolized by its famous emblem, the eight-pointed Maltese cross. There has been much debate on the origins of the Maltese cross, which has become part of many military decorations and fire department insignias, as well as being a religious symbol. Originally, the Hospitallers wore a white Latin cross on a black robe, and later a white cross on red when going to war. Some attribute the cross to Gerard in 1113, others to Raymond du Puy, some to Pope Alexander IV, and others still to the order's time on Rhodes. According to Jonathan RileySmith, the earliest visual evidence of the famous eight-pointed cross is from a wax seal used by Garin de Monteigu, 1207-28. 1 Some counter that while some eight-pointed versions do appear, these are all variations of existing

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crosses and that the true Maltese cross, formed by joining four arrowheads at their points, does not appear until after the 1565 siege. The eight points of the Maltese cross are symbolic of the beatitudes. Its four arms were held to represent the four virtues—prudence, temperance, fortitude, and justice. A genuine eight-pointed Maltese cross on a silver fourtari piece issued during the reign of La Valette (1557-68) features letters between the arms representing these virtues.

THE CONSTRUCTION OF VALLETTA After the Turkish retreat, La Valette revived the idea of building a fortified city on Mt. Sciberras. The Great Siege had made the vulnerability of St. Elmo to fire from these heights painfully clear. It was agreed that a fortified city on the peninsula would eliminate this threat, protect St. Elmo's rear, and cover both Grand Harbour and Marsamxett Harbour as well. The new city was to be named Valletta and the Vatican architect Francesco Laparelli was chosen to design it. Laparelli, a former pupil of and, later, assistant to Michelangelo, was an expert in military architecture. He came to Malta in December 1565 and reported to the knights on January 3,1566, that Birgu, Senglea, and St. Elmo had been so pulverized that it would take 4,000 laborers four months working around the clock to get them into any kind of fighting condition. On the other hand, he felt that building a new fortification on Mt. Sciberras would be quicker and cheaper." In a second report, dated January 13, Laparelli stated that once the new city was completed, Malta could be held by 5,000 troops. If Valletta were not constructed, on the other hand, a garrison of 12,000 foot and 200 horse would be required. 3 The next day the order sent ambassadors to various European courts asking for troops and money. When these still dallied, the order threatened on March 7 to withdraw from Malta, thus exposing Sicily's flank. This moved Spain and others to send help. With this support, on March 14, 1566, the decision was finally and formally made to begin construction. 4 In his diary, Laparelli noted the ceremony marking the laying of the foundation stone: On 28th March 1566 began the New City on the island of Malta. . . . Mass has been sung under a canopy planted near the position of the front line. . . . After the sermon a procession sang the Litany, another oration saying the name of the new city, which is Valletta. . . . After this the foundation stone was laid, sculptured with the Holy Cross of the Order with its eight angles. And the Grand Master gave me a chain of gold.5 Laparelli was anxious to complete the work before another Turkish invasion, saying, "Fortresses are in the greatest danger when they approach

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completion." 6 A thousand workers were employed in the summer of 1566 building the city.7 During Grand Master del Monte's reign, 3,000 workers labored on the fortifications.8 Laparelli's final proposal for Valletta was published June 18, 1566. It called for a fortified city three times the size of Birgu, covering half of the Mt. Sciberras peninsula, and extending right up into a vastly expanded Fort St. Elmo. At the other end, on the landward side, would be four bastions and two cavaliers. At the corners would be St. Michael Demi-Bastion, guarding Marsamxett, and SS. Peter and Paul Demi-Bastion, covering Grand Harbour. Anchoring the center were St. John's Bastion and St. James Bastion, each backed up respectively by St. John's Cavalier and St. James Cavalier. There was one gate, the Porta Reale, between the two interior bastions. There was also a ravelin in front, as well as flanking counterguards that projected in front of the interior bastions. The remainder of the city, along the harbor front, was protected by curtain walls.9 The four bastions were to be carved out of the living rock, requiring little masonry.10 Laparelli designed the cavaliers to be "2.5 cannes" or 4.5 meters higher than the ramparts of the bastions. Gunfire from the cavaliers would prevent the enemy from camping nearby and his plan had them sufficiently far back from the bastions so that during a bombardment, falling debris would not harm the defenders below. Furthermore, if subjected to continuous bombardment, they were also placed so that rubble would not fall into the ditch and create an impromptu bridge.11 Valletta's streets were laid out in a grid to better facilitate the movement of guns.12 It had been originally planned to completely level Mt. Sciberras, but this was too costly and time consuming a task, so the hills remained, and many of the streets were provided with steps. In 1567 plans were made for deepening the landward ditch and building magazines, storerooms for supplies, bakeries, cisterns, and powder mills.13 Laparelli's plan was that, in addition to other forces on the islands, Valletta and the re-built St. Elmo would be garrisoned by 3,000 troops with sixty cannon and 100 matchlocks or portable artillery.14 Laparelli's chief assistant in building Valletta was the Maltese architect Gerolamo Cassar, born in Birgu in 1520. He had direct experience with the task at hand, having repaired the battered walls during the 1565 siege. After completing his designs, Laparelli briefed Cassar on the work's progress and sent him to Italy for further study in military architecture. On his return in 1568, Laparelli was confident in turning over completion of the project to Cassar. Laparelli then left Malta in 1569 to assist the papal fleet against the Turks, but died of the plague in Crete at the age of forty-nine.15 Cassar succeeded Laparelli as chief architect of the order. He was made a serving brother in the Italian Langue in 1569 by Grand Master Pietro del Monte and lived until 1586. 16 In addition to completing the fortifications of Valletta, Cassar designed the Palace of the Grand Master, St. John's Conventual Church, other

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churches and convents, the bakeries, windmills, and the auberges. The auberges were palatial residences built for each branch of the order. While knights were often in Europe managing the order's estates, these buildings were to be their home when in Malta. Five of the original auberges remain and are currently used in Malta as government offices or museums, with the Auberge de Castile housing the office of the prime minister. The Palace of the Grand Master was set in a large square in the center of the city. Laparelli set aside 6,500 square feet for this structure so that it could be as large as the Palazzo Farnese in Rome. 17 La Valette died of a stroke in August 1568 and became the first to be buried in the city. His epitaph was written by his Latin secretary, Sir Oliver Starkey: "Here lies Valette, worthy of eternal honour, he that was formerly the terror of Asia and Africa and the shield of Europe, whence by his holy arms he expelled the barbarians, the first buried in this beloved city of which he was the founder." 18 As Valletta began to take shape, buildings representing the nonmilitary side of the order were added. In 1573 construction began on the conventual church dedicated to St. John the Baptist. In time, the floor of this magnificent church became paved with multicolored marble memorials to deceased knights. In the oratory is the famous The Beheading of St. John, painted by Caravaggio. In 1575 a new hospital, the Sacra Infirma, opened in Valletta. The Great Ward measured 185 feet in length, 35 in width, and 31 in height. It was renowned for its cleanliness and featured sterling silver plates for the patients to eat from.19 It served an average of 350 patients. During their novitiate, future knights served in the hospital one day a week.20 In 1676 a school of anatomy and surgery was founded next to the hospital.21 An important milestone occurred in 1571 when the convent formally transferred from Birgu to Valletta. The new city grew in size, reaching 4,000 in 1592. 22 While the Maltese suffered greatly in 1565, all this new construction, as well as the wealth from the order's corsairing activities, brought prosperity, and the islands reached populations unheard of throughout its long history. A high percentage of the populace lived in the harbor area. Valletta and the nearby towns known as the Three Cities (Cospicua, Senglea, and Vittoriosa or Birgu), reached 7,750 in 1590 and 18,500 by 1632. The population of the whole Maltese Islands reached 50,000 in 1680 and 90,000 by 1788. 23 LEPANT0

In July 1570, as Malta slowly recovered from the wounds of 1565, the order suffered a rare and terrible defeat at sea. Its galley squadron, under CaptainGeneral Francesco St. Clement, was defeated and lost three ships in an action against the Ottoman admiral Uluj 'Ali. Many Maltese were lost and

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St. Clement had to be hauled up from his boat to Fort St. Angelo because of the angry crowds. Found guilty of cowardice, he was defrocked and strangled, his body placed in a weighted sack and cast into the sea.24 The following year, the Ottomans took Cyprus from Venice. In response, Pope Pius V formed the Holy League, composed of the Holy See, Venice, Spain, Genoa, Tuscany, and Malta. In August 1571, an allied fleet of 202 galleys, seventy small sailing vessels, and eight large Venetian galleasses gathered at Messina under the command of Don John of Austria.25 As a result of the St. Clement disaster, only three Maltese galleys, under the command of Pietro Giustiniani, were present: the Santa Maria della Vittoria, San Giovanni, and San Pietro.26 The allied fleet engaged a Turkish force in the Gulf of Corinth off Lepanto on October 7,1571. The Ottoman fleet, again under the command of Uluj 'Ali, was composed of 216 galleys, thirty-seven galliots, and smaller ships. The Maltese squadron was positioned on the right flank with the Genoese.27 Ali chose the Christian right flank as the point of his attack, causing the Genoese ships to withdraw. This isolated the Maltese galleys, and Ali turned on them with overwhelming force. The Maltese squadron held its position, but at a terrible price. The flagship was captured, with all but three knights killed. During this crisis in the battle Don John sent in the reserve, followed by his own ships and the rallied Genoese. Now Ali was encircled and forced to fight his way out. The flagship was recovered and the Ottoman fleet routed. Turkish losses at Lepanto were forty ships sunk, 170 captured, and 30,000 men lost.28 For their contribution to this great victory, the order was awarded two captured galleys as prizes.29 THE FORTIFICATION OF MALTA

While the Ottoman navy recovered after Lepanto, it was a serious setback to their plans and a great boost to Christian morale. Combined with the knights' stand at Malta in 1565, it blocked further Turkish expansion into the central Mediterranean. Meanwhile, work continued on completing the fortified city of Valletta, which was declared a masterpiece by the engineer Speckle in his 1589 book Architectura von Festungen.30 Despite these positive developments, the knights never seemed to feel secure enough in Malta. It could very well be that some deep psychological wound from 1565 resonated through the order for generations to come. In any case, for over 200 years, the Knights of Malta continued to plan and construct new defenses, eventually making the Maltese Islands the most fortified place in the world. In early 1600s under Grand Master Wignacourt, the Vendome bastion was added on the Marsamxett side of St. Elmo, were the ravelin had stood during the siege. Rumors in the 1630s of another Turkish invasion being

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prepared inspired further fortifications around Valletta. The papal engineer Pietro Paolo Floriani was contracted and he arrived in Malta on September 1, 1635. 31 Floriani made his proposal on October 17 and, after much debate, the knights approved it on December 10 by a vote of 35-14. Floriani's plan was to build another fortified city to serve as an outer defense for Valletta.

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Should an attacker reduce this position, the defenders would fall back to Valletta itself. Not only would this provide another major obstacle, the new town would make it possible to accommodate more of the population in a siege, which had grown much since 1565. While many thought this was excessive, Floriani was supported by Grand Master de Paule, as well as his successor, Jean Paul de Lascaris Castellar. The estimated cost, including artillery and munitions, was 300,000 scudi.32 This new fortified suburb of Valletta, named Floriana, extended to the base of the Mt. Sciberras peninsula and its walls were dominated by six bastions, with ditches dug in front of both Floriana and Valletta. There was only one gate, the Porte des Bombes.33 Floriana was completed for the most part by 1650. In 1670 a massive defensive work projecting from the walls by the gate was approved. Known as the Hornwork, it would guard the gate, as well as provide added protection against any batteries established on the Corradino Heights. According to Quentin Hughes, a historian specializing in military architecture, the combined Valletta-Floriana works "formed part of the greatest complex of fortifications to come down to us from the Baroque world." 34 The next major development involved the other harbor area cities. The Senglea and Birgu fortifications were inspected in 1635 and, while they were in a reasonable state of repair, the order decided to remove these fortresses from the first line of attack by enclosing them and the heights of Sta. Margherita in a ring of new fortifications.35 On November 26,1638, the engineer Firenzuola made his recommendations for what became known as the Sta. Margherita Lines. The estimated cost was 70,000 scudi, which compared well with the money needed to complete Floriana. The foundation stone was laid December 30,1638, 3 6 but it proved difficult to construct the Lines and complete Floriana at the same time. They were still only half completed in 1645 and not fully completed until the early eighteenth century.37 Opposite St. Elmo on the Grand Harbour side was Rinella Point. In June 1670 construction began on a fort on this spot. A knight named Giovanni Francesco Ricasoli had contributed 20,000 scudi to improve the defenses of Malta, and the fort was named in his honor. Fort Ricasoli was completed about 1693 and cost over 100,000 scudi.38 The most ambitious project after the construction of Valletta was the Cotonera Lines. This was commissioned by Grand Master Nicholas Cotoner and designed by Antonio Maurizio Valperga, with the design approved April 2, 1670. It consisted of eight bastions and two demi-bastions, and made an even wider encirclement of Birgu and Senglea than the still-unfinished Sta. Margherita Lines. Stretching from Kalkara to French Creek, it was nearly 5,000 yards long.39 Its three purposes were to occupy heights from which Birgu and Senglea could be bombarded, protect the creeks and Grand Harbour, and provide shelter for people from the countryside. The foundation stone was laid in 1670, and 8,000 scudi per month were spent by the

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treasury. New taxes were levied for it, which upset the Maltese. Cotoner also donated his own money and slaves to the project.40 By 1680 the Cotonera Lines had consumed an immense sum of money, which could have been used to complete the Sta. Margherita Lines. Grand Master Carafa, who succeeded Cotoner, ordered that work on the project be put on hold and the order's resources devoted to other fortifications. As a result, the main walls of Cotonera remained incomplete until well into the eighteenth century and the outworks were never built.41 By 1715,1,400,000 scudi had been spent on the Cotonera Lines.42 In 1643 the order acquired a small island in Marsamxett to use as a quarantine station. A tower was built, not for defense, but to enforce quarantine. In 1723 it was decided to fortify it and a stone-laying ceremony was held on September 14,1723. Grand Master Manoel de Vilhena provided funds for its construction and maintenance, and the fort was named after him. 43 Fort Manoel had four bastions and an underground bombproof shelter that could accommodate over 500 soldiers. It was completed by 1728. The next building project involved the island of Gozo. An old fortress, known as the Castello, had existed there long before the knights arrived. Located in the center of the island, the Castello could only accommodate 2,000, while by 1654 the population of Gozo had reached 9,000. 44 Money was given by the knight Jacques Chambray to build a fort on the hill overlooking Mgarr Bay.45 Fort Chambray was designed in 1749 and completed about 1757. The last major fort to be built by the knights in Malta was on Dragut Point, the spot across from St. Elmo on the Marsamxett side where Turgut had established one of his batteries. It was designed by the order's engineer Stephen de Tousard in 1792. Even though Grand Master Rohan donated 6,000 scudi for its construction, it was named after Bailiff Tigne, who had donated 1,000 scudi.46 With the construction of Fort Tigne, the entrance to the harbor area was impregnable. If invaders tried to enter Marsamxett Harbour, they would need to get past St. Elmo and Fort Tigne, only to encounter Fort Manoel. If they tried to force Grand Harbour, a run past St. Elmo and Fort Ricasoli would still leave Fort St. Angelo to contend with. In either case, an invading force would be caught in a three-way crossfire. In addition to the major fortresses, the knights also constructed a series of coastal defenses. Watchtowers, redoubts, batteries, and entrenchments were set up at every possible landing point. There were sixty-three on Malta, sixteen on Gozo, and three on Comino. 47 The major coastal forts were St. Lucian (built 1610) overlooking Marsaxlokk, the Comino Tower (built 1618), and Fort Agatha, also known as the Red Tower, built in 1649 on the Marfa Ridge overlooking Mellieha Bay. The knights planned on meeting any landing on the coast and on February 24, 1798, carried out a dress rehearsal in which general mobilization was completed within five hours. 48

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A late development was the establishment of the Regiment of Malta by Grand Master Rohan. It was raised as a regular formation in September 1777 and patterned after a French regiment of the line. It consisted of 1,055 effective men and was Malta's first regular troop. In the eighteenth century, the garrison of Malta amounted to 450 knights, 300 cavalry, 400 gunners, 1,200 fusiliers, 12,750 Maltese militia, and 2,400 naval personnel.49 Throughout its long stay on Malta, the order maintained a large armory to equip its forces. Maintained in the Palace of the Grand Master, the armory was housed in a great hall at the rear of the building, which ran its entire length. Today it still remains a magnificent collection, with captured Turkish arms, suits of armor, swords, axes, and other edged weapons, as well as muskets and cannon from the order's later history. Among the rare and unique items of the collection is an eighteenth-century air gun, using compressed air, and a sword gun.50 MILITARY OPERATIONS The land forces of Malta were controlled by a body called the Venerable Congregation of War. It was composed of the marshall of the order, who had direct command of the army, his deputy, four lieutenant generals, and four commissioner grand crosses representing different Langues. It also included the engineer-in-chief and commissioner of fortifications, the director of finance, the commander of the artillery, the colonel of the Regiment of Malta, the colonel of the Regiment Chasseurs, and the judge advocate for any legal matters that might arise in a council of war. The order's navy was under the overall supervision of the Admiral of the Fleet, who, from the fifteenth century on, was almost always selected from the Langue of Italy. For most of its history, the fleet was dominated by the galley squadron, under the direct command of the Captain-General of the Galleys. A squadron of sailing ships was formed later and put under the command of the Lieutenant General of Ships. The Captain-General of the Galleys was in overall command if the two squadrons were at sea together.51 The galley squadron was composed of four vessels in 1530 and was gradually raised to eight by the end of the seventeenth century.52 Galleys were valuable in the Mediterranean in summer where often there is little wind and sailing vessels are becalmed. The standard galley was forty-six meters long with twenty-four rowing benches. It carried 240 rowers and 240 crew. 53 Armed with five cannon in the bow, the Maltese galleys were painted black and red. The establishment of the sailing squadron was approved January 17, 1701. Initially, four third-rate battleships were ordered: San Giovanni (flag), San Giacomo, San Raimondo, and Santa Caterina. They were doubledecked ships with sixty-four guns. Two were built in Toulon and and the

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others in Malta. The four were in service by 1705, later joined by the frigate San Giuseppe. The San Giovanni had a crew of fourteen officers and 440 men. The other three battleships were staffed by twelve officers and 380 men, while the frigate had twelve officers and 186 men. The sailing squadron was served by a total of 1,828 officers and men. 54 The galley squadron was reduced to six in 1701, five in 1704, and four in 1725. 55 The maximum strength of the fleet in the eighteenth century was five ships of the line, two frigates, two corvettes, and four galleys.56 There were three types of sailing vessels: ships of the line with over fifty cannon, frigates with between twenty and fifty cannon, and corvettes with less than twenty guns. These could sail year round, while the galleys were active between April and November. 57 The first operations of the sailing squadron consisted of convoy duty in 1705. In 1706 they captured a forty-six-gun Turkish ship and over 300 slaves. In 1707 they supported the Spanish garrison at Oran against an attack by Algiers. Like the galleys, the order's sailing vessels also became adept at capturing ships.58 For the knights, service in the fleet was mandatory. Before they could become full members of the order and qualify for higher office, each knight had to serve four caravans. A caravan was six months duty on a galley or one year on a sailing ship. Each galley usually carried thirty knights.59 The fame of the order's navy attracted officers of various nationalities, who then returned to serve in the fleets of their home countries. The biggest influence was on the French navy. The famous French admirals de Tourville, de Ternay, de Suffren, and de Grasse trained in the order's fleet. The last two were responsible for two rare French naval victories over the British in the Indian Ocean and at the Battle of Chesapeake Bay in the American Revolution.60 The order's fleet provided employment for thousands of Maltese. Maltese sailors crewed the galleys and sailing vessels, while hundreds of others worked at the arsenals, in the warehouses, and in repair facilities.61 Another source of wealth was privateering, known as the corso. This legalized form of piracy was rampant throughout the Mediterranean, but the order excelled at it. The knight Romegas, captain-general of the galleys from 1575 to 1577, captured several prizes in the Levant, often in collaboration with Tuscan galleys.62 In 1661 a large Muslim ship with an Ottoman ambassador and other dignitaries was captured, along with 150 others. Ransom, slaves, and cargo brought 200,000 scudi in prize money. 63 A rowing slave for a war galley could be sold for 120 scudi in the seventeenth century. 64 Between 1723 and 1749, the knight Jacques de Chambray sailed on thirty-one caravans, captured eleven prizes, and reaped 400,000 livres in spoils.65 Much of the booty acquired consisted of slaves. Grand Master de Vilhena stated that the order did not go to sea to enslave people but to protect Christian shipping and commerce. However, "if we chance to have an

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encounter with those who sail for the purpose of interfering with them and taking slaves, we take slaves ourselves as in rightful war!" 66 This corsairing activity was by no means limited to the ships of the order. Numerous letters of marque were issued, allowing the privateer to fly the order's flag in exchange for a fee and a 10 percent cut of the prizes.67 Between 1654 and 1694, 497 vessels of all types were registered to conduct the corso. 68 The corso peaked in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and included the active participation of the native Maltese. Maltese corsairs were especially active along the North African coast and as late as 1675 between twenty and thirty were operating out of Malta. 69 By the beginning of the seventeenth century the order felt strong enough to supplement corsairing with more substantial military operations. On May 5,1603, a force of five galleys and nine support vessels left Malta and landed a force of 1,000 on the west coast of the Peloponnese, capturing Patras and Lepanto and taking 400 Turkish prisoners.70 The Turks, in turn, landed troops in July 1614 at Marsaxlokk but were driven off by the cannon of Fort St. Lucian.71 For the most part, however, the military activities of the Knights of Malta were focused on supporting Venice in a series of wars with the much larger Ottoman Empire. On September 28, 1644, six galleys of the order encountered a Turkish convoy of ten ships. Dominating the convoy was the largest galleon they had ever seen, the eighty-gun Sultana, with 600 aboard, including one of the sultan's wives and an infant son. It was a bloody battle, with 220 Turks killed, and on the other side nine knights and 116 men were lost. The galleon and 380 persons were captured. 72 The concubine's son was raised on Malta by the Dominicans, joined that community, and became known as Father Ottoman. 73 The capture of the Sultana enraged the sultan who, interestingly enough, sought his revenge on the order's Venetian allies rather than on Malta. The galleys had been supplied by Venice and the Ottomans decided to seek revenge by attacking its possession of Crete, which Venice had ruled since 1204 and the Fourth Crusade.74 Thus began the Candian War, also known as the Fifth Venetian-Ottoman War (1645-69). The Ottomans landed on Crete on June 24, 1645. By 1648 the Turks were besieging the fortress of Iraklion or Candia, which could only be supplied by sea. In this primarily naval war, the Knights of Malta supported Venice. In 1652 seven galleys under Captain-General Baldassar de Demandols, along with Venetian ships, routed a force of twenty-five Turkish galleys and captured the Bey of Malvasia's galley.75 In 1656 a squadron of six galleys under Captain-General Gregorio Carafa joined a Venetian fleet of fifty-nine ships, including twenty-four galleys and seven galleasses, under the command of Lorenzo Morocello off the Dardanelles in an attempt to prevent the Turkish fleet from entering the Aegean Sea. On June 26 a Turkish fleet of 107 ships, including seventy

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galleys and nine galleasses, sailed out to break the blockade of the Dardanelles, and the allied fleet closed in to engage them. It was a lopsided victory and only fifteen of the Ottoman galleys escaped. Seven thousand Christian slaves were freed and the order lost no ships and captured eight galleys and three galleasses.76 Turkish losses totaled forty-seven galleys and forty-six sailing ships. 77 There was fighting also in Dalmatia, where some Venetian gains were made, particularly the capture of the fortress of Clissa. Despite their successes at sea, however, Turkish naval power eventually proved too much to handle and Venice had difficulty supplying Candia, which surrendered in 1669. In the Treaty of Candia in 1669, Venice ceded Crete to Turkey but was allowed to hold onto some castles and keep its acquisitions in Dalmatia. The next conflict was the Austro-Ottoman War (1683-97), known locally as the War of the Morea. It pitted the Holy League (Venice, Austria, Poland, Russia, and the knights) against the Ottoman Empire. In the summer of 1684, the order contributed its entire fleet of eight large galleys to the Venetian fleet at Corfu and contributed to the conquests of Santa Maura (August 7) and Preveza (September 21 ). 78 The following year the allied force captured Coron (August 11, 1685). Of the over 1,300 slaves taken in this operation, a fourth were given to the knights.79 In 1686 the eight Maltese galleys under Captain-General Josef von Herberstein supported allied conquests of Navarino (June 16), Modon (July 7), and Nauplia (July 29) at the cost of 200 killed, including nine knights. The galley squadron also participated in the following year's operations in the conquest of Castelnuovo on the Dalmatian coast (September 30) and the failed attack on Negropont, which cost the lives of 400 Maltese and twentyfour knights. 80 The order was active in the last ten years of the war. Malvasia, Canina, and Valona were taken between July and September 1690. The Maltese and allied squadrons kept up the pressure in the Levant, which, in combination with land campaigns by Austria, Poland, and Russia, compelled the Ottoman Empire to come to terms. The Treaty of Carlowitz was signed on January 26, 1699. Hungary, Transylvania, and Slavonia were ceded to Austria and Podolia to Poland, while most of Dalmatia and Morea went to Venice. War broke out again in 1715, this time pitting Austria, Venice, and the order against the Ottomans. The great Prince Eugene of Savoy achieved great victories for Austria. The Turks, on the other hand, were successful against the Venetians in Crete and Greece. The war ended with the Treaty of Passarowitz on July 21, 1718. The Ottomans lost northern Bosnia, Serbia, and Wallachia to Austria. Venice ceded Morea and its remaining possessions on Crete to Turkey but was able to retain the Ionian Islands and Dalmatia. This would be the last major war that the Knights of Malta would participate in. There were war scares in 1722-23, 1731-33, and 1761, and

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five Algerian ships did appear in June 1722, but nothing came of it. 81 The order's ships continued their curious mixed mission of policing and piracy, and there were notable successes. On September 18,1732, the sailing vessels San Antonio and San Giorgio, under the command of de Chambray, seized the rear admiral of the Ottoman fleet off the Egyptian coast near Damietta, capturing many cannon and prisoners, and freeing many Christian slaves. 82 In February 1748 the Lupa, flagship of the Turkish squadron based at Rhodes, arrived in Malta after the Christian slaves had overpowered the crew. Most of the slaves were from Hungary or Georgia, while seventeen were Maltese. One hundred and fifty Turks were taken prisoner, including Mustapha, the governor of Rhodes. A similar incident occurred in 1760 when seventy slaves commandeered the Corona Ottomana.83 In 1749 Mustapha tried to organize a slave revolt, which was to take place in June, when a fleet of Barbary corsairs would be in vicinity. A Jewish merchant named Cohen discovered the plot and informed Grand Master Pinto. All conspirators were tortured to death, except Mustapha, who, through French influence, was allowed to leave Malta for Rhodes on a French vessel.84 During the eighteenth century, France wanted to improve relations with the Ottoman Empire and expand its commercial activities in the East. It therefore placed pressure on the knights, which had a large French contingent, to cease their privateering operations in the Levant. This had been their most profitable hunting ground and now the knights found it increasingly difficult to take prizes. There was still the North African front, but here the knights were victims of their own success. The Barbary pirates had lost so much to the order that they reduced the size of their corsairing fleets and increasingly sent their remaining ships as far from the knights as possible, into the western Mediterranean and Atlantic. This resulted in a dramatic decline of the Maltese corso. 85 After the order left Malta, North African piracy revived, as became painfully obvious to the United States in the Barbary War. 86 The successful suppression of the Barbary states, combined with the French pressure not to attack Turkish shipping, gave the order's fleet little to do. Limited operations did continue. The order assisted Spain in bombarding Algiers as late as 1784, but little revenue-producing activity was available. The fleet's revenue had exceeded its expenses in the past, but this changed by the mid-eighteenth century. In 1768-69 the fleet cost 961,216 scudi to maintain, but it brought in 864,801 scudi. In 1780 the order was compelled to sell two battleships to Naples for 177,000 scudi and in 1785 sold two galleys to Spain for 34,500 scudi.87 The property confiscations suffered by the order during the French Revolution further worsened its financial situation. By 1795 the fleet was reduced to an aging third-rate battleship, San Zacharia (sixty-four guns), the frigate Santa Elizabetta (forty guns), and another old, rotting frigate, the Santa Maria (forty guns), which

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was earmarked to be broken up. The galley squadron consisted of four ships.88 The last Maltese battleship to be built was the sixty-four-gun doubledecker San Giovanni. It was the fifth of that name and was to be the new flagship, replacing the San Zacharia, which had served since 1765. The San Giovanni was laid down in 1796 at the Senglea yard under Maltese master shipwright Giuseppe Maurin. It was launched in 1798, but the dramatic events of that summer left it unfinished.89

MALTESE OPPOSITION TO RULE OF KNIGHTS

By the seventeenth century, the full title of the grand master had grown to "The Most Eminent and Reverend Lord Grand Master of the Sacred Religion and Most Illustrious Order of the Hospital of St. John and of the Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem, Guardian of the Poor of Jesus Christ, Prince of Malta, Gozo and Rhodes, Lord of the Royal Domain of Tripoli." In 1607 he was made a prince of the empire and after 1630 his ecclesiastical rank was equal to a cardinal deacon.90 A modern member of the order, Desmond Seward, commented on how fortunate the Maltese were: Under the Order's benevolent despotism the Maltese grew rich from the Levant trade and from cotton. An English tourist, Mr. Brydone, wrote of Valletta's streets in 1770 as being "crowded with well dressed people who have all the appearance of health and affluence." Bread was cheap, its price carefully controlled. The streets were swept and policed, health regulations were far in advance of their day, and the penal code was surprisingly enlightened. There were almshouses for the aged poor and an orphanage. 91

While the Maltese did benefit from the many building projects, these were often built with their own taxes. The order's military activities employed many islanders, but any losses hit the small population hard, and there was always concern that the knights might stir up the hornet's nest by harassing the Ottomans. The nobility continued to resent their exclusion from the ranks of the order. Finally, the Maltese never forgot that the knights had been given Malta in violation of repeated promises not to be granted out and resented the autocratic rule of the grand master. Numerous incidents of Maltese discontent were not generally reported in histories of the order. In 1637 the people were angered by Grand Master Lascaris's decision to impose an income tax to finance the Floriana fortifications. The clergy of the rural parishes led the protest, insisting that the Maltese people had been exempted from such taxation by right of ancient royal concessions. Lascaris felt compelled to back down on the income tax

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issue, but would not yield completely, and converted the tax to an indirect one on food. The following year a man named Antonio Sardo, on behalf of his fellow Maltese, complained of Lascaris's "misgovernment" to Philip IV of Spain.92 In 1671 there was another protest against new taxes to raise 100,000 scudi to complete the Cotonera fortifications. During the eighteenth century more disturbances took place. A contemporary, writing in 1776, identified six different riots in Malta between 1760 and 1775 over taxes and the order's autocratic rule. 93 The most serious Maltese action against the knights was the Uprising of the Priests in 1775, which occurred during the reign of Grand Master Francisco Ximenes (1773-75). Like other segments of Maltese society, the clergy resented the order's arrogance. Furthermore, there had been jurisdictional conflicts between the bishop of Malta and the knights. In August 1772, one of Bishop Pellerani's officials had been beaten by sailors of the order. Pellerani had two arrested, but a band of knights broke into his prison and freed them. 94 The ill feelings from this incident continued to simmer and Ximenes made the situation worse by issuing a ban on hunting, the favorite pastime of the clergy. Under the leadership of Gaetano Mannarino, a priest from Floriana, a conspiracy was formed to oust the knghts from Malta. There were a total of fifty conspirators in the plot, including thirty clergy.95 On September 9,1775, while the fleet was gone from Malta, Mannarino and his followers seized St. Elmo and the watchtower of Valetta's St. James Cavalier. The red and white Maltese flag was flown over the captured works and the rebels awaited a general uprising. The knights, under the energetic leadership of Emmanuel de Rohan, responded quickly to the incident and isolated the captured works from the rest of Valletta, thus preventing a spread of the uprising. The revolt was suppressed and approximately 400 rebels were captured. 96 Three of the conspirators were executed and their skulls displayed where the Maltese flag had flown. Most of the rest, including Mannarino, were imprisoned.97 By the end of the eighteenth century, the Knights of Malta had constructed the most powerful fortress in the world. But as the old conflict with Islam diminished, so did the order. It had lost its sense of purpose and, while it retained its hard shell, there was hollowness within. As a result, the order, like the rest of European nobility, was ill prepared for the coming storm of the French Revolution.

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6

The French Revolution and the Knights of Malta An institution for the idle sons of the rich. Napoleon Bonaparte on the Knights of St. John

had a strong French character. Brother Gerard, the founder, was French, as were the first knights and three of the eight Langues. The Langues of France, Provence, and Auvergne had over the centuries provided the order with material wealth, numerous knights, and many grand masters. They also did more than their share in contributing to the culture and prosperity of the Maltese Islands. This historic connection to France, which had been so favorable over the years, would take an ominous turn in the summer of 1789. When he passed away in 1774, King Louis XV of France left a huge national debt to his grandson, the new Louis XVI. This severe financial crisis was further exacerbated by France's support for the American Revolution. Unlike the majority of nobles, the order supported Louis XVI. When the king's finance minister, Jacques Necker, appealed to all landowners for a voluntary contribution, for example, the knights responded with one-third of the revenue from their French properties.1 Such measures could never hope to solve the problem, however, and the only way for the monarchy to stave off financial ruin was extensive fiscal reform. To that end, Louis XVI called an Assembly of Notables in 1787, hoping that the clergy and nobles would agree to be taxed. They refused and instead demanded an Estates General be called. The nobles hoped to dominate this gathering and obtain further concessions from the king. Little did they know that in a few years they would lose all of their privileges, if not their lives. THE HOSPITALLERS ALWAYS

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The first formal session of the Estates General met May 5, 1789. Over the next month, the commoners, or Third Estate, chafed against the archaic voting system that subordinated them to the clergy and the nobility. On June 17, with key support from liberal clergy, the Third Estate declared itself to be the National Assembly and, therefore, the true voice of the French people. The National Assembly ruled France from June 1789 to October 1791, and during its rule it issued the Civil Constitution of the Clergy. This act abolished monasticism, confiscated church property, made the clergy civil servants to be elected by the people, reduced the number and power of bishops, and in general severed the ties between the French Catholic Church and the Papacy. This act proved, in hindsight, to be a serious error on the part of the revolutionaries. The pope condemned the Civil Constitution, and the majority of the French clergy refused to take the oath of allegiance. While the earlier attacks on feudal rights were opposed by the aristocratic knights, it was this attack on the Church that shocked the rest of the Catholic world, including the conservative Maltese. Initially, the Knights of St. John, due to the order's sovereign status, were treated differently than the other religious communities in France. Their possessions, for example, were not confiscated or taxed by the National Assembly. But the National Assembly was replaced by another government, the Legislative Assembly, which declared the order to be a foreign power holding property in France, and thus liable to the same taxes as French citizens. It also declared that any Frenchman belonging to an order of knighthood would lose French citizenship.2 Like other aristocrats, the order desired a return to the ancien regime and supported Louis XVI when he finally resolved to oppose the revolution. It supplied him with 500,000 livres to assist his flight from Versailles.3 Louis failed, however, to reach his royal in-laws in Austria, and was captured at Varennes. As a result of the order's involvement in Louis XVI's escape attempt, the Knights of Malta felt the full brunt of the French Revolution. All of their property in France was confiscated on September 19, 1792, and French members of the order who fled France were condemned.4 The Temple, the order's principal residence in Paris, was seized and turned into a prison, where the royal family was kept.5 Nor was this the worst, for the order's losses were not limited to France. Wherever the armies of the French Republic marched, the confiscation of the order's property followed, such as when the French seized the order's estates in Italy.6 The Treaty of Campo Formio (October 1797) ceded the left bank of the Rhine to France, resulting in more property confiscated. Furthermore, the order's losses were not limited to confiscations by French revolutionaries. Like the Templars and Jesuits before them, the knights had become vulnerable and were beset by the monarchies as well. The order's commanderies in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Sicily were compelled to pay 10 percent of their revenue in taxes, and in Piedmont part of the order's property had to be sold.7

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In 1788 the order's total income was 3,156,719 French livres, with expenditures of 2,967,503 livres, thus leaving a surplus of 189,216.8 The possessions of the three French Langues alone brought in 1,392,974 livres or 44 percent of the total. The confiscations by France, as well as the new taxes imposed by other governments, reduced the order's revenue to about 1,000,000 livres and increased debt to 6,000,000.9 Not only did this cause a sharp decline in revenue, but it also flooded Malta with homeless French knights, all of whom were condemned to death in absentia for having fled France. The order tried to compensate for these losses with stronger ties to Russia, which was interested in expanding its presence in the Mediterranean. Grand Master de Rohan sent Count de Litta to Catherine II to begin negotiations, but both de Rohan and Catherine died before the mission proceeded very far. At this critical moment in its history, the knights elected a new grand master.10 There was an old saying among the knights that the end of the order in Malta would come under a German grand master. This was recalled by those of a superstitious nature when, in 1797, Ferdinand von Hompesch was elected. He was a Bavarian who once served as a page to Grand Master Pinto, then was later appointed as the order's representative in Vienna, and was serving as the grand prior of Brandenburg at the time of his election.11 A French grand master would have been difficult at this time, considering the hostility of republican France to its citizens claiming nobility. Von Hompesch did not begin his reign well. He had spent a large sum of money promoting his cause, leaving him burdened with heavy debts. 12 NAPOLEON

By 1797 the twenty-eight-year-old Napoleon Bonaparte had defeated the Austrians in Italy. Seeking fresh conquests, the ambitious young general proposed to the French government an expedition to Egypt on August 16, 1797. France was now ruled by the Directory (1795-99), but the directors failed to restore peace and political stability. Napoleon despised the Directory and sought to replace it. He knew the weak government would not last and was setting himself up to take its place. The Egyptian expedition was intended to cover him with glory in preparation for that moment. Napoleon sensed that some heroic exploit far away in the mystic East, which had captivated the French imagination since the Crusades, would greatly enhance his reputation. He was confident that during his absence from France new crises would arise, enabling him to play the role of the returning savior. Before leaving for Egypt, he said regarding the Directory, "I have tried everything. They do not want war. I ought to overthrow them, and make myself King; but it will not do yet. . . . The time is not yet come. I should be alone. But I will dazzle them again." 13

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As for the Directory, it feared the presence of the popular and ambitious young general in France and was open to removing Napoleon from the country one way or the other. Originally, however, the French government wanted to invade England, and directed Napoleon to look into the possibility of such a venture. Bonaparte believed that if the French naval force at Toulon under Admiral Brueys could link up with the Spanish and Brest fleets, then an invasion of the British Isles might be possible. But Jervis blockaded the Spanish at Cadiz, and Nelson's presence in the Mediterranean prevented Brueys from a rendezvous with the Atlantic fleet at Brest.14 On February 23, 1798, Napoleon informed the Directory that he did not have the necessary shipping for the operation. Furthermore, he thought such an invasion should take advantage of the cover provided by the long winter nights, and it was now too late in the season. Napoleon thus opposed an invasion of England at this time, and was able to convince the Directory to pursue the Egyptian operation instead. On April 12, 1798, the Army of the Orient was created and Napoleon placed in command. While a successful invasion of England would have been a great achievement, Napoleon was not disappointed by this turn of events, since, as his private secretary Bourrienne related, the Corsican himself was under the spell of the East: "He used to say, 'Europe is a mole-hill. There have never been great empires and revolutions except in the East, where there are 600,000,000 men.'" 1 5 Bourrienne himself was excited about going to Egypt because of the historical sites. But he did not think it wise of the Directory to approve the venture: "In the position in which France stood with respect to Europe, after the treaty of Campo Formio, the Directory... ought to have opposed i t . . . the wish to get rid of an ambitious and rising man, whose popularity excited envy, triumphed over the evident danger of removing, for an indefinite period, an excellent army, and the possible loss of the French fleet."16 Napoleon planned a six-year expedition with the ultimate goal of India, thus proving himself a modern Alexander the Great. NAPOLEON AND MALTA Napoleon appreciated the strategic importance of Malta and, since the order had been weakened by its financial losses, suggested taking it as early as May 26, 1797, five months before the Treaty of Campo Formio concluded his Italian campaign. The Directory, however, initially disapproved of an occupation of Malta, and it was this reluctance which was one of the causes for the rough welcome Napoleon gave to Bottot, a representative of Director Barras. In fact this position of the Directory was further proof to Napoleon that he should overthrow it. Exasperated, Napoleon exclaimed to Bottot, " 'Mon Dieu! Malta is for sale!' " 1 7

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Refusing to accept the decision of his superiors, Napoleon turned to Foreign Minister Talleyrand for support in acquiring Malta: Why do we not take possession of Malta? Admiral Brueys might very well cast anchor there, and make himself master of the place. Four hundred Knights and five hundred soldiers are all that form the garrison of Valletta. The inhabitants, who number one hundred thousand, are friendly to us and greatly disgusted with the Knights. They are dying of starvation. I have purposely confiscated the possessions of the Order in Italy. With the islands of Sardinia, Malta and Corfu, we shall be masters of the whole Mediterranean.18 The effort succeeded and Talleyrand informed Napoleon that the Directory had authorized him to give the necessary orders to Admiral Brueys for taking Malta as part of the overall Egyptian operation. 19

MALTA IN 1798

The population of the Maltese Islands at this time was approximately 90,000 on the main island of Malta, with a Gozo population of 14,000, for a total of approximately 104,000. 20 The key would be the fortress city of Valletta. The many years of building, despite all the controversy, had produced one of the most impregnable places on Earth. Holding the fortifications of Valletta was a garrison of 6,000 men, led by 332 knights of Malta. Fifty of these were old or sick, however, so only 282 could bear arms. 21 In addition to this force, there was the possibility in the event of an extended siege of supplementing the defense with an additional 4,000 men from the town. 22 The fortress was also stocked with a four-month supply of food and 750 tons of gunpowder. Writing in 1804, French knight Louis de Boisgelin had great faith in the strength of the defenses, and believed that as long as the knights and the Maltese did not despair, all would be well: "It was not then so much on the number of the troops as on the bravery of the knights and the fidelity of the people that the government depended. With this united force, manning the bulwarks of the island, which were masterpieces in the art of fortification, the order might have defended itself, or, at all events, yielded with honor." 23 Napoleon arrived in Toulon on May 9,1798, and the main French fleet departed that port ten days later. Other squadrons sortied from Marseilles, Genoa, and Citta Vecchia between May 21 and May 26, bringing the total force sailing toward Malta to approximately 400 ships, including thirteen battleships and forty-two smaller warships, led by Admiral Brueys's 120gun flagship Orient.24 On board these ships were 16,000 sailors, 38,000 troops, and 187 scientists, scholars, and artists. 25 Admiral Horatio Nelson had by this time become aware of the Egyptian expedition. He wrote to the Lord Spencer of the Admirality: "I shall believe they

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are going on their scheme of possessing Alexandria, and getting troops to India ... your Lordship may rely that I will not lose a moment in bringing them to action, and endeavor to destroy their Transports." 26 Nelson tried to intercept the Frenchfleetafter it left Toulon, but his flagship Vanguard was dismasted in a gale during the night of May 20-21, and while it was being repaired in Sardinia, the French invasion force departed for Malta. Repairing his vessel as quickly as possible, Nelson resumed the hunt, but failed to intercept the French ships. On June 6, 1798, an advance force of over eighty ships reached Malta and asked permission to enter and take water. Fearing what plans this force might have in mind, only two transports and one frigate were allowed entrance. 27 On June 9 the rest of the fleet arrived. A witness on Malta commented on the size of the French force: "Never had Malta seen such a numberless fleet in her waters. The sea was covered for miles with ships of all sizes whose masts resembled a huge forest."28 THE CONSPIRACY

In June 1798 the stage seemed set for a clash between the irresistible force of Napoleon's army and the immovable object of the powerful Maltese defenses. Bonaparte, however, could not afford such a test of strength with Nelson hunting him. A prolonged siege would have threatened his army with entrapment, and possibly even destruction, by the British fleet. The end of Napoleon's career could very well have happened off the coast of Malta at the hands of Nelson, rather than on the field of Waterloo by Wellington. Speed was essential. So, to bring about a rapid occupation of the fortress, Napoleon undermined the island's defenses by organizing a conspiracy among the French knights on Malta. During his exile on St. Helena, Napoleon stated, "Malta certainly possessed vast physical means of resistance; but no moral means. The knights did nothing dishonourable: nobody is obliged to do impossibilities. No; but they were sold; the capture of Malta was assured before we left Toulon." Also on St. Helena, Napoleon exclaimed, "I took Malta when I was in Mantua!" 29 Bourrienne confirmed this, saying, "I wrote, by his dictation, a mass of instructions for private intrigues." 30 For this important mission, Napoleon sent two agents to Malta in December 1797 named Dolomieu and Possielgue.31 Dolomieu was himself a French knight, and Possielgue was the cousin of Caruson, the French consul at Malta. Both stayed four months, departing March 3, 1798. Dolomieu's mission was to report on the defenses, while Possielgue made contact with the French knights. He found republican sympathizers, including Bosredon de Ransijat, treasurer of the order, and Jean de la Fay, the commissioner of fortifications. The rest seemed divided on the question of resistance but could be persuaded to yield if offered compensation.32

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The actions of the French knights would determine the degree of resistance the order would give Napoleon. In June 1798, almost two-thirds of the knights on Malta, 200, were French. The rest present at the time of the invasion were distributed as follows: 90 Italians, 25 Spanish, 8 Portuguese, 4 Germans, and 5 Anglo-Bavarians.33 The revolution had impoverished the order and, since Napoleon was coming anyway, many of the French knights believed that collaboration might regain for them at least part of their lost possessions. On top of that, since they had been condemned for fleeing France, collaboration could also save their lives. It may also be that the ideals of the revolution appealed to the younger knights. The French knight Louis de Boisgelin noted that the spy Poussielgue, while claiming to be on Malta to visit his cousin, was working actively among the French knights. He was very successful with the novices and younger knights. De Boisgelin remarked that Poussielgue even led some of the older refugees from France to consider whether the poverty and exile they were suffering was worthwhile, or just a foolish attachment to a lost cause.34 A Revolutionary Club began meeting in the house of Ransijat, who became the leader of the conspiracy. Bosredon de Ransijat was born at Combraille, in Auvergne, in 1743. Like Hompesch, he too had served as a page to Grand Master Pinto, and was later appointed to the important post of secretary of the treasury. As such, he knew firsthand the financial predicament of the order. Ransijat represented the French knights and was in direct communication with France through Caruson. After his role on Malta was completed, he returned to France and died in 1812 at the age of sixtynine, in an obscure corner of Auvergne. In his last published work he declared that he deserved the confidence of Bonaparte for the services he rendered at Malta. 35 Seventeen members of the order formed the nucleus of the conspiracy and, under Ransijat's leadership, actively worked on behalf of Napoleon in preparation for the seizure of Malta. 36 Among these were the spy Deodat de Dolomieu, Prince Camille de Rohan (nephew of the former grand master and commander of Malta's defenses outside of Valletta), Pierre Francois Louis Doublet (the grand master's secretary), Jean de la Fay (commissioner of fortifications), the Spanish knight Barbonenche (commander of artillery), Stephen de Toussard (commander of engineers), as well as several members of the grand master's personal and domestic suite, who, as Bonaparte officially acknowledged, had supplied him with valuable information during the six months preceding his departure from Toulon. 37 THE FRENCH INVASION OF MALTA The entire French force had assembled off Malta by June 9 and Napoleon requested that all his ships be allowed into Grand Harbour to take on water.

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Hompesch replied that only four vessels would be allowed to enter at any one time. Napoleon became enraged by this denial but was no doubt more angered that the conspiracy failed to provide immediate occupation of the heavily fortified harbor. French consul Caruson communicated Napoleon's displeasure to Hompesch: "The commander-in-chief is extremely indignant to learn that permission to water is restricted to only four vessels at a time. . . . How long at this rate would it take 500 sailing vessels to water and victual? General Bonaparte is determined to take by force what ought to have been given him freely under the rules of hospitality which govern your Order." 38 Bourrienne recorded Napoleon's true feelings on the subject: "The intrigues throughout Europe had not succeeded in causing the ports of that island to be opened to us immediately on our arrival. Bonaparte expressed much displeasure against the persons sent from Europe to arrange measures for that purpose." 39 While he was a brilliant commander on land, Napoleon felt exposed on the water. At any moment Nelson could appear and destroy his army while it was helplessly cooped up within the transports. Napoleon issued orders for the army to be set ashore and begin offensive operations. On the night of June 9 four simultaneous landings were made: General d'Hilliers on the north side of Malta at Mellieha Bay, General Desaix on the opposite side of the island at Marsaxlokk, General Vaubois on the eastern coast at Saint Julian's Bay (just north of Grand Harbour), and General Reynier at Rambla Bay on Gozo. Gozo was held by 300 regulars and 2,000 militia.40 While Hompesch, as grand master, was in overall command, Bailiff de Loras commanded Valletta itself, and Baillif de Rohan (a key member of the conspiracy) was in charge of defending the rest of Malta. Hompesch also had four other assistants, bailiffs de Ciugny and Thomasi, who were responsible for the interior, and Baillif de Suffrein and Captain Subiras, who were responsible for the coast. Thus, of the six top commanders responsible for the defense of Malta, at least four were French.41 Although the conspiracy did not open the harbor to the French fleet, it did see to it that the landings were unopposed and laid the groundwork for the swift occupation of the islands. All of the defensive positions, with the exception of three, were in the hands of the traitors. On June 10 the Army of the Orient was able to rapidly occupy Malta's outposts, thanks largely to the sketches of them sent earlier to the French. Contradictory orders were sent to those still faithful to the order, requests for munitions and supplies were either denied or delayed, and Hompesch was kept misinformed throughout June 10 on the status of the operations. The French party had furthermore secretly plotted to open the doors of the city to the enemy, but this was discovered and the grand master kept all the keys in the palace.42 Never resolute to begin with, Hompesch was shocked when, after refusing to grant Bonaparte's demand to allow the French fleet into Grand Harbour, Ransijat declared that, having been born French, he would never

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fight against his country. Hompesch was stunned by this open betrayal of the order and had Ransijat imprisoned in Fort St. Angelo.43 Hompesch had become unnerved by the events of the last twenty-four hours and, aside from putting Ransijat in jail, did nothing else. He sat alone in the palace, attended only by one aide-de-camp, and made no attempt to coordinate resistance or even to give orders as to what resistance, if any, was to be offered. The individual commanders of the various fortresses and strong points were left to themselves, and many, like Hompesch, were indecisive as to what to do. 44 There were isolated points of resistance. A knight named de Megrigny commanded at Gozo and resisted the attack there. 45 With three other knights and the small garrison, de Megrigny held Fort Chambray, giving the French more stubborn resistance than they had expected.46 Fort Tigne, under the command of a Bavarian named Reichberg, also put up a good defense.47 The only other real resistance on the main island of Malta was offered by members of the Maltese militia.48 This body of soldiers held the Cotonera Lines and worked an artillery battery at Cospicua. In fact, the knights in command of the Cotonera Lines tried to get their troops to offer no resistance, but the Maltese soldiers mutinied, killing two of the knights, and then opened fire on the French forces. The rumors spread rapidly through the Maltese troops of the knights' betrayal. This had a demoralizing effect, and while some fought the French, others turned on the knights. Fifteen hundred soldiers mutinied at Zebbug and tried to kill the knight who endeavored to bring them to order. 49 As for those who fought, they were greatly outnumbered and isolated after so many positions had already been turned over by the conspirators. Some Maltese priests, seeing the hopelessness of the situation, called on the troops still fighting, especially at the Cotonera Lines, to accept surrender since successful resistance had by now become impossible.50 By 8 AM on June 10 the coast was secured. Mdina, in the center of the island, was seized by noon. When it became evident that there would be resistance on Gozo, French naval fire was brought to bear on Fort Chambray. By nightfall, Desaix had moved north from Marsaxlokk, occupying the Cotonera Lines and Fort Ricasoli, thus securing the southern part of Grand Harbour. General Reynier, with the support of the French fleet, also by nightfall captured Rabat, Gozo's capital, and Fort Chambray. 51 It should be noted that not all of the French knights were part of the conspiracy, and during the day's fighting eighteen knights, all of whom were French, were brought before Napoleon, prompting him to exclaim, "What! Am I constantly to meet with knights who have taken up arms against their country? I ought to give orders to have you all shot immediately."52 The Maltese became enraged by the events of June 10. The Maltese people had over many years protested every time special taxes were levied upon them to build fortifications. Now they saw the knights abandon these very defenses without a fight. True, the conspiracy was not a complete

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success. Not only was the fleet prohibited from a direct entry into Grand Harbour but there was also some resistance. On the whole, though, it had succeeded in undermining the knight's defenses and spared Napoleon the weeks it might have taken him to occupy the fortified lines surrounding Valletta. As Pierre J. C. O. Doublet, secretary to Hompesch and member of the conspiracy, put it, "Of what use the impregnable walls if the spirit of fear and confusion reign within." 53

THE SURRENDER OF THE ORDER

Hompesch was frozen with indecision as the French rapidly occupied the island and encircled Valletta. The inhabitants of the city became increasingly worried as the French army neared its walls. The order had given the French no real resistance as yet, and many worried that the proud knights might now, when no successful defense was possible, fight for honor's sake a battle that could only end in French victory and Maltese dead. 54 Valletta was in a panic the whole day of June 10, and that night many individual knights were attacked by the Maltese for having betrayed the island. Four of these (de Montaret, de Valin, Dormic, and Dandelard) were killed, and another six were seriously wounded. 55 Hoping either for a miracle, or at least to calm the people, a statue of St. Paul was paraded through the streets of Valletta. It did little good. Firing could still be heard throughout the night from all over the island, contributing further to the anxiety of the people. Doublet wrote, "From every balcony one could hear the women lamenting in their houses, and cursing the French and the Grand Master all in one breath." 56 That same evening, a group of prominent Maltese citizens assembled in a hall to discuss the terrible situation. They concluded that the order was not in a position to resist Napoleon without the loss of civilian lives and the total destruction of the city.57 This group composed a letter addressed to the grand master, which was signed by twenty-seven of those present, and sent it with a delegation to Hompesch. The opportunity for resistance had passed and the letter called on the grand master to surrender: We the undersigned, Jurists and Syndics of the Four Cities, together with some of the principal Ministers and Counsellors of this city of Valletta, being fully persuaded that the garrison of this Fortress is unable to resist an invasion of a warlike people, such as that which now assails us... have in a body petitioned the reigning Sovereign that he would deign to arrange terms with the Invaders.58 The letter dispelled whatever thoughts Hompesch may have had of a fight for honor's sake. On the morning of June 11, Hompesch asked for an armistice. Napoleon, aboard the flagship UOrient, sent a delegation of three French under General Junot, Napoleon's senior aide-de-camp, to negotiate

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with Hompesch. One of the members of the French delegation was Poussielgue. Arriving at noon, a twenty-four-hour truce was quickly arranged and signed. The release of Ransijat from his cell was also arranged. 5 9 On the night of June 11, Hompesch sent a delegation to surrender Malta. The head of the mission was Bosredon Ransijat, who was joined by two other knights, Chevalier Philip Amat and Bailiff de Turin-Frisari. The party also included four Maltese representatives, each of whom had signed the June 10 letter calling on Hompesch to surrender. These men were Baron Marie Testa-Ferrata, Doctor John Nicholas Muscat, Doctor Besnoit Schembri, and Counsellor Bonani. 6 0 The delegation arrived at the Orient about midnight. Napoleon was awakened and in half an hour he drafted the treaty, known as the Act of Capitulation. The document was signed in the early hours of June 1 2 , 1 7 9 8 , or, in the revolution's calendar, on the twentyfourth Prairial of the sixth year of the French Republic. The terms of the surrender were as follows: 1. The Knights of St. John were to cede the Maltese Islands to the French Republic. 2. France was to use its influence among the German states to procure a principality for the grand master that was the equivalent of Malta. Until this could be arranged, Hompesch was to receive an annual pension of 300,000 French livres, with additional money for his various debts and other obligations. 3. The French knights were to be allowed to return to France in safety. They were not to be treated as emigres, but rather "their residence in Malta shall be considered in the same light as if they inhabited France." France would use its influence to secure the same treatment for those knights returning to the Cisalpine, Ligurian, Roman, and Helvetian republics. 4. French knights over sixty years of age were to receive an annual pension of 700 French livres and, again, the republic would endeavor to induce the Cisalpine, Ligurian, Roman, and Helvetian republics to grant similar pensions. 5. France would call on the other European powers to respect the property rights of the order in their territories. 6. The personal property of the knights in Malta was to be protected. 7. The people of Malta were to be allowed "the free exercise of the Catholic, Apostolical, and Roman religion. Their privileges and property shall likewise remain inviolate, nor shall they be subject to any extraordinary taxes." 61 To reinforce the clause of the capitulation regarding religion, Bonaparte sent a letter to Bishop Vincenzo Labini on June 12. He assured the bishop that not only would the Catholic Church be respected, but that the clergy itself would be specially protected. Such protection, however, was contingent upon the clergy performing their offices properly, which to Napoleon meant preaching obedience to the French government and urging their people to maintain peace and tranquility. To that end, Labini was told to

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leave his residence in the old city of Mdina and proceed at once to Valletta, where he was to use his influence to calm the people. There he would also meet with Napoleon and present him to all of Labini's curates, as well as the other authorities of Valletta and the neighboring villages.62 THE OCCUPATION

At daybreak on June 12, 1798, three French warships, led by UOrient, entered Grand Harbour. At noon Napoleon left the flagship and set foot on Malta, taking up residence in the Pariso Palace. On approaching Valletta, Napoleon and his staff were awed by the strength of the defenses. General Caffarelli, after examining the fortifications, exclaimed, "Upon my word, General, it is lucky there is some one in the town to open the gates for us!" 63 Napoleon was likewise impressed, saying on acquiring Malta, "We have the strongest place in Europe." 64 In addition to gaining possession of the Maltese Islands, the French also acquired the following armaments: two battleships, one frigate, four galleys, 1,200 cannon, 750 tons of gunpowder, and 40,000 muskets. 65 Napoleon spent six days on Malta and in that time sought to recreate its entire government and society through 168 reports, dispatches, and orders. 66 General Henri Vaubois was appointed Commandant en Chef des isles de Make et du Goze. Vaubois was to be both the supreme military and political authority on Malta after Napoleon departed for Egypt.67 On June 13, Napoleon, with his characteristic industry, issued a series of orders asserting French control over the islands. The first created the Government Commission to administer the island. Nine persons were to serve on this commission, all nominated by Vaubois. The Government Commission was charged with collecting taxes, provisioning the islands, administering the hospital, and reorganizing the courts along French lines. It was also to divide the Maltese Islands into cantons, each headed by a magistrate approved by General Vaubois. In addition to the Government Commission, the office of the French Commissary was established to see to the needs of the French garrison to be left on Malta. Finally, another commission of three members was established to take an inventory of the possessions of the knights on Malta. 68 The second June 13 decree nominated the personnel for the Government Commission and the other bodies listed above. Not surprisingly, it included members of the conspiracy. Bosredon Ransijat was appointed to the Government Commission, while Poussielgue and Caruson were chosen for the task of assessing the wealth of the order now in the possession of the French Republic. Two other June 13 decrees sought to eradicate the presence, and memory, of the knights. All escutcheons of the order were to be effaced from buildings within twenty-four hours, and the wearing of livery was

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prohibited, as was any other mark or title distinctive of nobility. All knights and inhabitants who were the subjects of a nation currently at war with France, such as Russia and Portugal, were to leave Malta within forty-eight hours. All other knights under sixty years of age, aside from those who had joined Napoleon, were to leave Malta within three days. 69 The fifth June 13 decree ordered seals to be placed on all British, Russian, and Portuguese property. The sixth appointed two of the scholars accompanying the expedition, Berthollet and Monge, to prepare the moveable wealth of the order for transport. All. of the gold, silver, and precious stones were to be collected from the various properties of the order, including the Conventual Church of St. John, the many auberges, and the Palace of the Grand Master. They were to see to it that the gold was melted into ingots, an inventory made of all the gems, and that approximately 300,000 francs worth of the confiscated silver plate be sold to local merchants. This entire amount was then to be placed in the military chest following the army to Egypt. As for the remainder of the silver plate, it was to be melted down, coined, and then used to maintain the garrison remaining on Malta. 70 The inventory of wealth found in the Palace of the Grand Master and St. John's Cathedral amounted to 1,185,170 livres.71 Even this large amount did not represent all the wealth available. The silver gates of St. John's Cathedral, for example, escaped French attention when they were painted black to make them appear to be lead. The next day was spent organizing the garrison with which Vaubois was to hold Malta. This force was to be composed of the following regiments: the Sixth Line (518 troops), Seventh Light Infantry (900), Nineteenth Line (700), Forty-first (285), and Eightieth Line (650), for a total of 3,053 infantry. In addition to the infantry, five companies of artillerymen were also assigned to the garrison to service the fortress's many cannon. General Desaix had, in the meantime, been ordered to evacuate all the forts and positions he had occupied, and turn control of them over to the troops under Vaubois. Desaix was to take his troops back to the large southern bay of Marsaxlokk, where he had originally landed on June 10, and be ready to embark on June 16. Also at this time, all of the transports and warships were resupplied and watered. 72 On June 16, Napoleon issued further decrees. The first sought to instill the spirit of the French Revolution in the Maltese people. Article 1 of this document stated, "All inhabitants of Malta have henceforth equal rights; their talents, their merit, their patriotism, their attachment to the French Republic, will alone establish any difference amongst them." The same decree abolished slavery. In order to improve relations with the Ottoman Empire, which were sure to be strained as soon as Napoleon landed in Egypt, the Turkish inmates were no longer to be treated as slaves, but rather as prisoners of war. As such, Napoleon planned on using them as bargaining

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chips. If the Ottomans remained at peace with France despite the Egyptian expedition, the Turkish prisoners would be sent home. Napoleon further ordered that all the inhabitants of the Maltese Islands be obliged to wear the tricolor cockade, that all remnants of feudalism be abolished, and that in each church there be placed the arms of the French Republic, replacing those of the grand master.73 Napoleon decided, however, that more was needed to maintain French control of Malta than stirring revolutionary statements and donning cockades. His next June 16 decree sought to guarantee order on Malta by means of disarmament, forced collaboration, and the taking of hostages. First, Napoleon ordered that all of the inhabitants of Malta and Gozo be disarmed. Henceforth, permission to carry arms would be granted only to men of proven patriotism and loyalty. The existing Maltese Volunteer Light Infantry Regiment was to be continued, but it was to be "composed of men who can be depended upon, care being taken that it is officered by Patriots." In addition to this unit, a new company of thirty volunteers was to be formed by young men from the richest families of Malta. General Vaubois was directed to select these "volunteers" within ten days, and those declining this honor were to be sentenced to one year's imprisonment, and the parents fined 1,000 crowns. Along similar lines, the Government Commission was to name sixty youths, from the ages of nine to fourteen and from the wealthiest families, to be sent to Paris to be educated in the colleges of the government. Again, Napoleon did not expect these families to reject this invitation from the republic. If any of the families of these sixty young men refused to send them to France, the parents were condemned to pay a fine of 1,000 crowns. 74 This decree also established a program for the conscription of sailors to serve in the French navy. Sailors' classes were to be established as in other French ports, and whenever the Fleet required sailors, and sufficient volunteers were not to be found, there was to be the forced conscription of youths from fifteen to twenty-five years of age. If this did not suffice to fill the needed quota of sailors, the class of men from twenty-five to thirty-five were to be conscripted, and finally, if these were not be sufficient, men between the ages of thirty-five and forty-five were to be taken. 75 In addition to taking hostages from among the wealthier families of Malta, the next order from Napoleon was aimed directly at the heads of these families. A new national guard was established that was not only intended to maintain security, but also to put these individuals under military discipline and martial law. The members of this national guard were to be selected from the richest members of the community. They were to preserve public tranquillity and conduct daily police patrols, but Napoleon specified that they were never to be given guard duty in the forts.76 It is apparent from these various decrees that Napoleon assumed the greatest domestic threat to French rule came from the ex-nobility and upper

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classes. He did not appreciate the threat from the peasantry, especially if the rights of the Church were violated. This lack of concern was evident in his June 16 decree on the Catholic Church in Malta, which was seen by the Maltese as a violation of the Act of Capitulation. First, all priests and members of religious communities, both male and female, who were not natives of the islands of Malta and Gozo were required to leave within ten days. The only exception to this order was Bishop Labini, who was Italian. Restrictions were also placed on native Maltese clergy and religious. Religious vows before the age of thirty were prohibited, and the bishop was forbidden to ordain new priests unless it could be demonstrated that there was a need. Furthermore, there was to be a reduction in the number of monasteries and other religious houses. Each religious order was to be limited to one facility in the Maltese Islands. It would be the responsibility of the Government Commission to identify which house each order would keep. All of the resulting surplus property was to be sold. Finally, the decree specified the number of canons to be employed by the cathedral. 77 As these various orders were issued establishing French rule on Malta, Bonaparte was preparing his departure for Egypt. On June 16, Napoleon informed the Directory that by the eighteenth the entire fleet would be under sail for Egypt. He also reported that General Vaubois would be left in command as the garrison commander in Malta, as well as detailing the final arrangements being made for the departure of Hompesch and the rest of the knights. Finally, he notified the Directory of the amount of wealth he had plundered from the order and his plans for it. He reported that, after taking into account all the gold, gems, and silver he was taking to Egypt, what remained was approximately one million francs' worth of silver. This was to be left in Malta for the requirements of the garrison, as well as for the fitting out of the battleship San Giovanni, which had been captured from the order. 78 As part of the preparations for departure, Napoleon specified the rate of pay to be paid to the families of those former soldiers of the order which he impressed into service. He was concerned about the loyalty of some of the former units of the Knights of St. John, especially the Grand Master's Guard and the Malta Regiment, and did not want to leave them in Malta. Not just adults but young boys were also impressed into service: "All boys, sons of the above, over ten years of age, will be shipped as cabin boys on board vessels belonging to the Republic." 79 Altogether, 1,100 sailors and 900 soldiers were forced to sail for Egypt as the "Maltese Legion."80 On June 17, the last Knights of Malta left the islands. Napoleon had persuaded thirty-four French knights to volunteer for service with the army in Egypt, including de Toussard, who became a brigadier in the corps of engineers. Other members of the conspiracy remained in Malta, but for the rest, it was time to leave their home of 268 years.81 Von Hompesch was

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given 600,000 French livres, half of which went to his creditors. He also took three of the order's relics with him: a piece of the true cross, the right hand of St. John the Baptist, and a miraculous image of the Holy Virgin of Philerme. He was allowed to take these, however, only after all the valuable ornaments had been removed, namely, the ring from the hand and the silver frame from the icon.82 Of all the relics, the most precious was the right hand of St. John the Baptist, which the knights had brought from Rhodes. Napoleon allowed Hompesch to keep it, but according to legend, before returning the hand, he took off its ring and placed it on his own finger, saying, "The hand is yours. But the ring suits mine much better!" Ferdinand Von Hompesch departed Malta for the city of Trieste, accompanied by twelve other members of the order. When Hompesch left, he was booed by both the French and Maltese. He resigned the position of grand master a year later under pressure from Tsar Paul I. Hompesch never received the promised German principality and had to wait six years for the first payment of his pension. He died in poverty and disgrace in Montpellier, France, in 1804. 83 With the loss of Malta and the discrediting of Hompesch, the order was in disarray. The Polish knights of the Grand Priory of Russia and some French knights now looked to Tsar Paul I, who had recently been named protector of the order. Having an almost childlike fascination with chivalry, Tsar Paul I had previously assisted the knights in many ways, including establishing the Anglo-Bavaro-Polish Langue in 1782, which after the last partition of Poland was renamed the Anglo-Bavaro-Russian Langue in 1797. Paul I wanted the position of grand master himself. A group of knights seeking refuge in St. Petersburg deposed Von Hompesch in September 1798 and elected Paul I as the new grand master. It was not, however, a legal election. Hompesch was still alive and had not yet resigned the post. Furthermore, the selection of Paul I had not followed the order's procedures. Finally, there were serious impediments to Paul Ps election as grand master, not the least of which being that he was neither Catholic nor a professed member of the order.84 Though the assassination of Paul did remove this awkward dilemma, the knights were in a struggle to remain alive as a corporate entity. Though it is not part of our story, it should be noted that by returning to their original hospitaller roots, the Knights of Malta avoided the fate of the Knights Templar and continue to exist to this day performing charitable works. On June 22, 2004, Pope John Paul II thanked Grand Master Andrew Bertie for "the numerous services that your institution offers... in particular, the many positive initiatives that it constantly promotes for the needy."85 While the order does operate medical relief boats on the Amazon, the days of its galleys swooping down upon Turkish convoys are gone forever. Following the expulsion of the knights, Napoleon issued his final decrees solidifying French rule on Malta. The decree establishing free schools was welcomed, but the others were regarded as violations of the Act of

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Capitulation. A whole series of new taxes were imposed, with the goal of raising 720,000 francs. Only 120,000 of this amount, however, was to go to the schools. The remaining 600,000 was to support the French garrison.86 New restrictions were also laid on the Catholic Church. Church weddings were forbidden, to be replaced by civil ceremonies. Furthermore, fees and stipends for priests were abolished. Finally, the Church in Malta was to be severed from its relationship to the wider Catholic community: "No foreign prince shall exercise any power, either in the administration of Religion, or in the Courts of Justice, nor shall any ecclesiastic or inhabitant appeal to the Pope or any metropolitan." 87 As Napoleon was putting the clergy in its place, the French were completing their preparations for departure. This included loading all of the gold and silver plate, jewels, and other articles of value that were pillaged from the order. One of these treasures was the gold-hiked sword of La Valette, given to him by King Philip II of Spain after the siege of 1565. Every year on September 8, the anniversary of the famous triumph over the Turks, the sword was carried unsheathed by the grand master at the Mass commemorating the victory. Napoleon took it and it is now at the Louvre.88 Altogether, the French confiscated approximately 7,000,000 francs' worth of valuables from the island, mostly treasures of the knights and Church valuables.89 Napoleon left Malta on June 19. He had pulled off his coup of seizing the great fortress of the knights. Now Bonaparte focused on getting his army to Egypt. The great general was confident that he would achieve a great victory in the land of the pharaohs, but there were still hundreds of miles of open water to cross first. As the French force sailed from Malta to Egypt, Napoleon scanned the horizon nervously for any sign of Nelson and the British fleet.

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7

The Maltese Revolt of 1798 Malta or war! Napoleon to English ambassador, 1803

FRENCH RULE Napoleon left a garrison of approximately 3,600 to hold Malta. This force had at its disposal great stores of munitions and food. It also occupied fortifications far stronger than those that withstood the great Ottoman invasion, defenses constructed and expanded by the Knights of Malta for over 230 years.1 General Claude-Henry Belgrand de Vaubois, the garrison commander, was a veteran officer, having taken an active part in every campaign from 1792 to 1795. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier general in 1794, and then made General de la Division in 1796. He participated in Napoleon's first Italian campaign, and there gained Bonaparte's confidence. Vaubois was given the most important task in seizing Malta, landing in St. Julian's Bay, the closest landing site to Valletta.2 He was fifty years old at the time and had served in the army for twenty-nine years. The name Comte de Vaubois is inscribed on the southern side of the Arc de Triomphe de l'Etoile. Two other French generals were left on Malta. The first was Brigadier General Chanez, who commanded the infantry in Valletta and the surrounding forts. The other was Brigadier General D'Hannedel, who commanded the artillery and engineers. Another important figure was Pierre Alphonse Guys, general commissary of trade for the French republic in Syria and Palestine.3

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The civilian administration, under the authority of Vaubois, was delegated to the French Commissary and the Government Commission. The former, which functioned as the executive branch of the civil government, had as its primary responsibility to provide for the garrison. This body was headed by Regnaud de St. Jean D'Angely, who later served as minister of state under Napoleon, as well as being appointed count of the empire.4 The president of the Government Commission was Commandeur Jean de Bosredon de Ransijat, who had been a leader in the conspiracy to surrender Malta. The General Secretary of the Government Commission was Pierre-Jean-Louis-Ovide Doublet. Born in Orleans of humble origins, he came to Malta in 1779 to serve in an infantry regiment. He was a very talented man, and rose to a prominent position in the order. By 1798 Doublet was chief of the Secretariat for Hompesch. Doublet had made a life for himself in Malta, having married a Maltese woman, with whom he had seven children. He joined the conspiracy and was one of those who went aboard the Orient to meet with Napoleon. He was also present at the negotiations leading to the surrender and the signing of the Act of Capitulation. Napoleon invited him to go to Egypt, but he declined for family reasons. On November 11, 1798, he succeeded d'Angely, who had left for France, for the important post of French commissary.5 The new government tried to portray France as the liberator of the Maltese people from the tyranny of the order. Every effort was made to eliminate any reminder of the order, including the destruction of many monuments. According to British historian Whitworth Porter, writing in 1859, the French "no sooner obtained possession of the island, than they commenced to destroy every monumental record of the rulers who had preceded them. Even to this day, much as has been done to repair the injury, the eye is shocked by the numerous mutilations, apparently wanton and barbarous, which the public monuments of the island underwent." These actions were not, in Porter's opinion, random acts of violence or the result of poor discipline. Rather, he saw them as part of a well-thought-out plan by the French government to estrange the Maltese from the memory of the Hospitallers.6 This destruction of the memory of the knights extended to documents as well. Orders were given to destroy the official documents of the knights. This plan was not completed, and the orchives of the order on Malta remain a rich source for researching the history of the knights. Still, a good deal was destroyed, some of these valuable documents even being used to manufacture cartridges.7 The French made every effort to instill the revolution throughout the entire country. A "Pole of Liberty" was erected in the Palace Square of Valletta, which had been renamed Place de la Liberte, and the streets were decorated with revolutionary inscriptions. The most dramatic example of this French attempt to convert the Maltese to the revolution was the first celebration of Bastille Day on Malta, which occurred less than a month after Napoleon's departure for Egypt.

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On July 1,1798, the Government Commission issued a ten-point decree titled "Arrete de la Commission de Gouvernement en date du 13 Messidor an VI concernant I'organisation de la Fete Nationale du Juillet 1798 (26 Messidor, an VI) a Malte" detailing how the celebration was to take place. First it called on all Maltese to celebrate the Feast of the 14th of July with solemnity. All public officials, including the bishop of Malta, were to attend and each municipality was to send a delegate. To show the generosity of the republic, four poor girls were to receive dowries at the expense of the government, with the marriage ceremony to be held in the Church of St. John on the day of the feast. The Government Commission entrusted the management of the celebration to General Vaubois, who was to "assist" the Maltese to show the proper appreciation for all the liberty they now enjoyed due to the republic. To further promote the supplanting of past public festivals with the new Bastille Day, the horse and footraces, which usually took place on June 24, the Feast of St. John, were moved to July 14. After the races there a Tree of Liberty would be planted, with the winners having a special reserved place at the ceremony. On July 6 the Government Commission approved the renaming of many of the prominent gates, squares, and streets in Valletta: The Palace of the Grand Master became the Palais National, Palace Square was renamed Place de la Liberte, the Strada San Giovanni became the Rue du Peuple, and Strada Teatro became Rue de la Fraternitie. The main road in Floriana, the Strada Sant' Anna, was renamed Rue de Mannarino after the leader of the failed 1775 revolt. In the same meeting, the Government Commission, as a further step toward the indoctrination of the Maltese, called on all the ex-nobles and all other recipients of charts, diplomas, brevets, bulls, briefs, and other honorific titles from the government of the Order of St. John, to bring them on July 14 to be burned at the foot of the Tree of Liberty.8 As Bastille Day approached, the planning became more intense. On July 10 the program for the festivities was released. There were to be horse races in the Place de la Liberte, followed by a procession from the residence of General Vaubois to Grand Harbour, where all the ships would be dressed with flags. The dignitaries were to board a French warship present, as the other ships and forts fired salutes. There Vaubois was to receive a special French flag for the Tree of Liberty. Vaubois was then to lead the procession back to the Place de la Liberte, where, accompanied by martial music, the French flag would be hoisted on the Tree of Liberty. At that moment the cannons of all the forts were to fire salutes and the whole city of Valletta illuminated. The day would conclude with an orchestra playing a concert in the Place de la Liberte. So that the spirit of the revolution might flow across the whole of the Maltese Islands, a smaller celebration was also planned for Gozo, which would receive its own Tree of Liberty.9

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Hoping to capitalize on the efforts being put into the Bastille Day preparations, on July 13 the Government Commission met to approve the establishment of a Registre Plebiscitaire and invited the inhabitants of Malta and Gozo to register their desire that the Maltese Islands be annexed by the French Republic.10 At the end of this meeting, Doublet read a proclamation regarding the upcoming celebration of Bastille Day. The proclamation further stated that a significant sign of Maltese gratitude for their newfound liberty would be to vote for the union of France and Malta. On July 14,1798, the celebration of Bastille Day finally took place.11 At 9 AM there were speakers and then the wedding of the four couples in St. John's. Even though religious marriages were prohibited, the bishop was given permission to perform the marriage ceremony, with a Mass and solemn Te Deum. At 4 PM the horse races were held. The whole French garrison as well as the Maltese National Guard troops participated as ordered in the ceremonies. The speech by General Vaubois followed the official theme depicting the French as liberators. In his own address, French Commissar d'Angely reiterated how lucky the Maltese were to be freed by France. Despite all the speeches and ceremonies, the Maltese did not, in general, feel very lucky at all. It is true that Maltese intellectuals and others exposed to Enlightenment ideas welcomed the French. They favored the efficiency of the new administration and lauded the abolition of slavery, as well as the establishment of schools. Certainly, Napoleon's declaration that "all inhabitants of Malta are equal," contrasted sharply with the arrogance of the aristocratic knights. But this was not the case for the majority of Maltese. In the Act of Capitulation, Napoleon promised that the Maltese would continue to enjoy "as in the past the free exercise of the Apostolic and Roman Catholic Religion," that they would "preserve their property, and the privileges they now possess," and, finally, that "no extraordinary contributions" would be imposed. That summer, the Maltese saw these promises broken repeatedly. New taxes had been imposed to support the garrison. French troops were billeted in Maltese homes or lived in barracks at Maltese expense. The French closed several of the wealthiest and most richly decorated of the churches and sold their adornments for deposit in treasury. To a people as religious and traditional as the Maltese, these actions were regarded as sacrilege.12 Maltese historian Victor Mallia-Milanes has argued that all of these factors contributed to a heightening of tension on the islands throughout the summer of 1798. He points out that Napoleon's enlightened political philosophy was alien to the style of life in Malta. Bonaparte's sudden and complete reorganization of Maltese society threatened the islanders' deeper values, particularly their staunch Catholic convictions. The firm imposition of French rule and the tenets of the French Revolution also stifled the aspirations of Maltese nationalism, leading Maltese patriots to see the French not as liberators but as tyrants who were even more oppressive than the knights. The situation might have improved if the Maltese were given time

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to adapt and if the changes had not come so swiftly. As it was, the form and content of most of Napoleon's forceful impositions, as well as the accelerated pace with which they were carried out, made any such adaptation virtually impossible and instead created reaction. Mallia-Milanes argues that the cumulative effect of Napoleon's ruinous economic measures, his insensitive and anticlerical religious reforms, the arrogance of the French, and the psychological impact of thwarted Maltese nationalist expectations aroused an intense restlessness throughout the islands.13 It was into this explosive environment that three French warships sailed when they put into Grand Harbour on August 28, bearing the first news to reach Malta of the fate of Napoleon's expedition to Egypt. NELSON AND THE NILE

In the spring of 1798 the British government was aware of a major French effort being planned in the Mediterranean, but had been unable to penetrate the veil of secrecy to learn its objective. On May 19,1798, Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson, a rising star in the British Royal Navy, was given his first major fleet command and ordered to locate Napoleon's force. Nelson reached the Bay of Naples on June 17 and learned of Napoleon's occupation of Malta on June 19 at Messina. By June 20, as his ships passed the Straits of Messina, Nelson was 160 miles from the French fleet. On June 22 Nelson encountered a Genoese ship that had left Malta the day before and only then learned of the surrender of the knights and Napoleon's departure three days before. He was still unsure if Napoleon's objective was Sicily or Egypt and polled his captains for their opinions. Captain Alexander Ball replied, "I am of the opinion that they are gone towards Alexandria, and that it is best for His Majesty's Service that we should steer in that direction." 14 The other captains agreed and Nelson decided to set sail for Egypt. As a precaution, Napoleon had the invasion force steer first for the south shore of Crete and then turn toward Alexandria. The course change resulted in Nelson missing the French and reaching Alexandria ahead of them on June 29. He was hampered in the hunt by his lack of frigates for scouting. Nelson turned back for Sicily, reaching Syracuse on July 19. 15 On the twenty-third, after resupplying, the fleet sailed east toward Greece. On the twenty-eighth they encountered vessels from which they learned that Napoleon had indeed sailed toward Egypt. Nelson reached Alexandria on August 1 and located the French warships fifteen miles away in Aboukir Bay. Napoleon and his army had by this time been safely deposited on dry land. While Napoleon's army escaped him, Nelson did not delay and swooped upon the French fleet as it lay at anchor. Since the British fleet had appeared in the late afternoon, Admiral Brueys expected that the naval action would take place the following day. Instead, Nelson's force of fourteen

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battleships and one brig pounced upon Brueys's thirteen battleships and four frigates. Despite the fact that the French force outgunned Nelson 1,178 to 1,030, the English admiral skillfully deployed his vessels to overwhelm the van of the French fleet and attack the other units in detail.16 By the end of the Battle of the Nile, the French lost eleven battleships and two frigates, while no British vessels were sunk. Brueys fought gallantly and stayed at his post despite severe wounds until he was cut in half by cannon shot. His flagship, the huge 120-gun Orient, was aflame by evening. When the fire reached the magazine, the ship exploded in such a tremendous blast that the fighting actually stopped for ten minutes due to the shock and awe of the sight. The battle went into the night and by dawn only four the ships at the rear of the French line escaped: the battleships Genereux and Guillame Tell and the frigates Diane and Justice. The Genereux sailed toward Crete, and the other three, under Admiral Villeneuve, sailed for Malta. When they arrived, they relayed their tale of destruction and horror, particularly the fate of the Orient, upon which the Act of Capitulation was signed, of how it exploded during the battle and went to the bottom carrying many of the treasures plundered from Malta. This was bittersweet news for the Maltese. Many impressed Maltese sailors had been aboard those destroyed ships, as well as youths serving as cabin boys. On the other hand, with the destruction of the fleet, the Maltese felt emboldened to halt further French depredations upon their homeland. THE MALTESE REVOLT OF 1798

In the late thirteenth century the Maltese had also chafed under French rule. Then, after the great victory of Roger of Lauria over the Angevins at the Battle of Grand Harbour in 1283, the Maltese were able to take action against the French garrison. Now, over 700 years later, Nelson's victory at the Nile gave the Maltese a similar opportunity. Four days after the survivors of the Nile arrived in Malta, on Sunday, September 2, an auction was held at the closed Church of Our Lady of Mount Carmel in Mdina to sell its tapestries. The three officials conducting the auction noticed the crowd was unusually large, but no bids were made that day. The crowd disrupted the auction and forced its cancellation. The French garrison commander at Mdina, Captain Masson, rushed to the scene with a lieutenant and a soldier to quiet the disturbance. Masson ordered the crowd to disperse, but rather than leave, it charged forward, compelling the military men to run for their lives to the house of a notary named Bezzina. Masson was tossed out the upstairs window to his death and the soldier was also killed. The lieutenant fled to Valletta to raise the alarm. Meanwhile, the growing mob attacked the barracks, where sixty soldiers of the garrison were stationed, and killed them all at the cost of four Maltese dead.17

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The ringing of church bells had by now roused the countryside. Weapons were found and a notary from Rabat named Emmanuel Vitale (1758-1802) took charge of the rapidly growing multitude. The next day Mdina was captured and the Maltese flag, which had not flown since the Uprising of the Priests, fluttered over the city's walls. General Vaubois, unaware of the extent of the revolt, sent 200 troops on the morning of September 3 toward Mdina. They did not get far and were driven back into Valletta.18 By the end of September 3, the French garrison was penned up within Valletta. There they possessed strong defenses and seventeen months of supplies.19 Besides Vitale, the other principal Maltese leader was Canon Don Francesco Saverio Caruana (1759-1847), commander of the battalions of Zebbug and Siggiewi. Caruana was an example of the prominent role the Maltese clergy played in the revolt. A contemporary British observer compared the Maltese leaders: "General Caruana possesses much greater abilities, and is allowed to have great integrity. He has the voice of the people." 20 Caruana later became the bishop of Malta in 1831. Another example of clerical involvement was Don Francesco Saverio Cassar, leader of the insurrection on Gozo. Vitale was elected general and commanded with the advice and guidance of Caruana. Three others were elected to represent the people: Count Manduca, Count Teuma, and the Marquis de Piro. Furthermore, battalion commanders were elected for each village. Afterward cannon were taken from the various coastal watchtowers and three batteries were established around Valletta. One was erected opposite the main gate into Valletta, the Porte des Bombes, another on the Corradino heights, and the third near Fort Manoel. 21 Under the leadership of Caruana and Vitale, the Maltese repulsed two sorties by the French garrison. The French, for their part, resisted Maltese attacks on Valletta.22 Ironically, the Maltese now found themselves outside the very fortifications they helped build. The Turks must have smiled at the thought. About 40,000 Maltese were in Valletta and the Three Cities, along with the French garrison. The French governor Reynaud recommended on September 6, 1798, that 30,000 be evicted from the city, but was overruled.23 In the harbor were the recently arrived French ships, the ships captured from the knights, and some merchant ships. The French held Valletta, Floriana, and the Cotonera Lines. The Maltese had 7,500 men holding their lines encircling the French defenses, with a total force of 10,000 men, but most were poorly armed. They were supported by twenty-three cannon, but only twelve were mounted on carriages.24 The Maltese strengthened their positions as well as their limited resources permitted. Vaubois was contemptuous of this siege by "peasants" and on October 6 sent a sortie toward Zabbar to gain supplies, with a feint on Fort Tigne. Both attacks were repulsed by the Maltese,

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causing forty French casualties, eight dead and thirty-two wounded. 25 A November 11 attempt to seize the battery on Corradino Heights was thwarted by a flank attack led by Giuseppe Montebello, a lieutenant in the militia from the Tarxien/Paola area. At the beginning of the revolt, the Maltese ruled themselves through a hastily organized body called the National Assembly. One of its first acts was to send an appeal for aid to King Ferdinand of Naples, whom many regarded as the rightful ruler of Malta now that the knights were gone and the French rejected. On February 11, 1799, the assembly was replaced by a more formal body known as the Maltese Congress. This was composed of generals Caruana and Vitale, a representative of the bishop, a judge, and twenty-two elected deputies from each village, five of whom were priests.26 Nelson learned of the uprising on September 8 and dispatched a Portuguese squadron, which began a blockade on September 19. British ships joined the blockade on September 23 and provided the Maltese with weapons and supplies. 7 On October 4, Nelson ordered Captain Ball of the Alexander to Malta and directed him to give the Maltese additional aid. Ball was a man Nelson knew he could rely on. On May 20,1798, when Nelson's flagship Vanguard was dismasted in a storm, it was saved by Ball's vessel from wrecking on the Sardinian coast. Ball showed great skill and courage, towing the flagship from the shore, even at the risk of his own ship. Ball did his utmost to provide assistance to the Maltese, delivering 1,000 muskets, cartridges, 200 barrels of gunpowder, and other supplies during the month of October. Ball landed with small forces on October 28, and British marines under Captain Cresswell assisted the Gozo battalion under Fr. Salvatore Cassar in attacking Fort Chambray on Gozo, which surrendered the next day.28 The Neapolitan flag was flown over Gozo and Cassar appointed governor. Some munitions and other supplies also arrived from Naples, along with a letter from Ferdinand praising his "faithful Maltese subjects."29 The headquarters for the siege was established at San Giuseppe, two miles from Valletta toward Mdina. By now, small numbers of British, Portuguese, and Neapolitan personnel, mainly sailors and marines, had been landed to help with the siege. New batteries were established and preparations made to bombard the defenses.30 The grip on Valletta was tightening. On November 21, 1798, the French garrison made another sortie, this time to destroy the gun batteries on Corradino heights. Once again the French regulars were repulsed by the Maltese. THE PLOT TO SEIZE VALLETTA

Still, the fortifications of Valletta were immense, and the prospects of seizing them by force were slim. An opportunity presented itself when certain inhabitants of Valletta found means to get messages to the besiegers. Together,

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a plan was soon developed to seize the Maltese capitol, led by Gullielmo Lorenzi and Fr. Mikiel Xerri, a professor of philosophy at the university. On the night of January 11-12, approximately sixty men within Valletta were to make simultaneous attacks on various military outposts and gates, while the besiegers rushed the gates and assaulted the walls. While one group attacked the Palace of the Grand Master, other attacks were to take place at the Marine Gate, the main city gate, the Marsamuscetto Gate, St. Elmo, and the Auberge de Castile. At the same time Maltese priests, led by Xerri, were to ring bells as a signal to those on the outside to attack. 31 The plotters had studied the French routine and all was ready. But on January 11, a ship from Genoa had slipped through the blockade. A play was put on in the theater to celebrate the event. Two officers on their way home that evening saw a mysterious light and heard noises by the rocks near the Marsamuscetto Gate. Troops were sent to investigate and they discovered a large number of Maltese crouching among the rocks. Some dove into the water and others fled over the rocks under cover of darkness, but thirtyfour were captured. Alarms were sounded throughout the town, bringing the whole garrison to the walls and thwarting the plot.32 Forty-three Maltese patriots, including Lorenzi and Xerri, were executed in the Place de la Liberte and the ringing of church bells was banned.33 THE SIEGE OF VALLETTA The failure of the January plot prompted the Maltese to seek greater aid. A delegation of three Maltese went to Palermo in early February 1799 aboard the English frigate Terpsichore. They wanted greater assistance from Naples or, if this was not possible, permission to approach England for more aid. Nelson himself pressed for more troops for Malta in 1799. He believed that British troops should be sent from the nearby garrison at Messina to join the 500 British and Portuguese marines on Malta. 34 In the meantime, those on the spot did what they could. In April 1799, Ball began landing some thirty-two-pounders from his ships and established batteries manned by his sailors.35 A setback occurred in May 1799, when the blockading ships were called off and left the Mediterranean to deal with a threat from the French fleet at Brest. The navy did not renew the blockade for over a month and, during that time, the French were able to run in muchneeded supplies to the garrison.36 Both the French and Maltese were going hungry, and the question was which side would starve first. On June 25, 1799, an assault was made on the defenses, but this was repulsed. Three days later, Valletta was bombarded, including the British ships for the first time. The bombardment was maintained as well as the limited supplies allowed. On October 22-23 the Maltese batteries were able to damage some of the French vessels in port. In November new batteries

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were established to prevent the entry of French ships into the harbor. This was prompted by rumors of a relief fleet being prepared in Toulon. 37 On December 6,1799, the British Thirtieth and Eighty-ninth regiments, (about 1,300 troops) under Brigadier-General Thomas Graham landed at St. Paul's Bay, transported by Commodore Sir Thomas Troubridge. After landing, the transports and stores were sent to Marsaxlokk and a base established at Fort St. Lucian. Unlike the Ottomans in 1565, the British were content to use Marsaxlokk. 38 The situation for the Maltese in the winter of 1799-1800 was desperate. There was hunger throughout the islands, but the Maltese soldiers grimly held onto the siege. The English helped when possible. Troubridge commandeered two corn ships off the coast of Sicily and brought them back to Malta. The English blockade also blocked attempts by the French to assist Vaubois. 39 A notable example occurred in February, when the British intercepted the French battleship Genereux, one of the survivors of the Nile, off Cape Passero as it was trying to land 2,000 troops and provisions for the garrison. 40 Nelson himself, who happened to be sailing to Malta to assess the situation, was present aboard the battleship Foudroyant and personally directed that vessel's capture of the Genereux. The Maltese attacked the Cotonera Lines in February 1800. 41 This assault also failed, but the besiegers were encouraged by the arrival of reinforcements. On February 16, Ferdinand sent 1,200 Neapolitan troops to Malta. 42 The following month a new Maltese regiment was raised under the direction of General Graham, the Maltese Light Infantry Regiment. The vise was tightening on the French and on the night of March 29-30, 1800, Vaubois sent the Guillaume Tell to slip out through the blockade. It carried 1,220 men, including many sick and injured members of the garrison, whose absence would reduce the drain on supplies. The vessel was captured at dawn April 1 by the Lion and Penelope.43 Brought back to Malta as a trophy, its capture elated the besiegers and saddened the garrison. In May 1800, Sir Ralph Abercromby was given command of the British land forces. He had 1,500 more men assembled at Minorca under MajorGeneral Pigot on June 23. These were the Thirty-fifth Foot, Royal Sussex, and Forty-eighth Foot regiments. Abercromby arrived on Malta July 17, followed the next day by the new regiments.44 The Maltese suffered great hardships in the siege. The Maltese troops lacked food and were on half pay. Disease had also claimed 20,000 Maltese since the siege began.45 The garrison, in its turn, had taken to growing vegetables wherever they could to augment their supplies. They had also, since the January attempt to seize Valletta from within, been allowing Maltese to leave the city. By summer Ball refused to accept any more refugees from Valletta that would further deplete their supplies. Also during that summer Napoleon, who was back in France, was working on the diplomatic front to remove the British from Malta. Since

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refugee knights had illegally elected Tsar Paul I to be the new grand master of the Knights of Malta, Napoleon negotiated with Paul to get the British off Malta by ceding the islands to him. It was a good plan, for if the English refused to evacuate, it could mean war with Russia. Unaware of Napoleon's negotiations, the French garrison had reached the limits of its endurance after two years of siege. Vaubois tried to save what he could, sending out the last two survivors of the Battle of the Nile on August 22. The frigate Diane was captured, but the Justice escaped. On September 4, after consulting with his officers, Vaubois sent a message under flag of truce to Pigot, proposing surrender. The surrender was signed the following day, with evacuation taking place on September 7. As a sign of good faith, Maltese, English, and Neapolitan troops were allowed to occupy the outer defenses of Valletta, as well as forts Manoel and Tigne. On September 7, the French garrison marched out with all the honors of war to board transports provided for them. The official surrender took place on September 8, the Feast of Our Lady of Victory. Vaubois, however, refused to surrender to the Maltese and instead it was Pigot, with the Thirtieth, Thirty-fifth, Forty-eighth, and Eighty-ninth regiments of the line, plus artillery and engineering units, who occupied Valletta. To surrender was hard enough for the Frenchman, but to acknowledge the role of the Maltese "peasants" in his defeat was unthinkable. The vast majority of Maltese deaths during the siege were due to hunger and disease. Captain Ball reported that there were 300 Maltese casualties during the siege and that there were very few English casualties. Samuel Taylor Coleridge, Ball's secretary, furthermore praised the conduct of the Maltese throughout the conflict. Although there was great hardship during the two years of siege, the islanders were orderly, neither looting the local nobles nor attempting to commandeer supplies from other troops. 46 After the French surrender, it was learned that the San Giovanni, the last of the warships of the Knights of Malta, had been completed by the French and renamed UAthenien. The British took over the vessel, commissioning it as HMS Athenien. It served as a Royal Navy warship for six years, until it was lost in a storm with heavy loss of life on the Skerki Rocks off Tunisia in 1806. 47 As for the captured Guillaume Tell, which flew Villeneuve's flag at the Nile, it was recommissioned the HMS Malta. MALTA AND THE TREATY OF AMIENS Although the Maltese had formed a government early in the siege and raised their flag over Mdina, they realized that the islands were too small to be independent. Initially the Maltese considered Naples. According to the 1530 Act of Donation of Charles V, if the knights ever left Malta it was to revert to Sicily, which was then a possession of the King of Naples. 48 The Maltese

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soon cooled to the idea of Neapolitan rule. Naples was slow to send assistance and what it did send came only after personal appeals by Lord Nelson. 4 9 Furthermore, King Ferdinand IV of Naples appeared too weak to protect himself, let alone Malta, having to flee in December 1798 before French troops. Finally, the Neapolitan fleet was weak and the Maltese preferred the security and economic benefits that would come from a strong naval power. The Maltese then considered Great Britain, a mighty sea power that had been much more generous than Naples. Also, Captain Ball had made a great impression on the Maltese by the courtesy and respect he showed them. As time went on, the Maltese began to press for British rule. The first evidence of this came in a January 6, 1799, letter from Captain Ball to Lord Nelson: "The Maltese have an aversion to the Neapolitan Government, and wish to be under the English." 5 0 In a January 29 letter, Ball informed Nelson that pro-British sentiment was increasing: I have the satisfaction to acquaint Your Lordship that the conduct of the captains, officers, and men under my command during the late land cooperation has given the Maltese the highest opinion of the character of the British nation. They wish very much to be under our Government, and have a general aversion to the Neapolitan one. 51 The difficulties experienced by Naples encouraged the Maltese Congress to petition Ferdinand IV on February 9 for permission to request British protection for Malta and to raise the British flag.52 This was granted on February 20. On March 31 the Maltese Congress went a decisive step further and petitioned Ferdinand IV to transfer Malta to British rule: [0]n account of the calamities occurring in Your Majesty's Kingdom of Naples, and its need of defence, Your Majesty is not in a position to grant u s . . . aid. We therefore supplicate your Majesty that you would be pleased to accord to our request of transferring the sovereignty of these two Islands to His Britannic Majesty.53 On April 11, 1799, the Maltese learned that their fate was being determined by other powers. It was decided that Malta would be jointly occupied by Russia, Britain, and Naples until a general peace was signed. This joint occupation did not occur, as Britain and France signed a preliminary treaty on October 1, 1801, which returned Malta to the Knights of St. John. The islanders were shocked at the notion of the restoration of the knights and on October 22 sent a petition to King George III protesting the return of the knights to Malta. They asserted that whatever claim the order had on Malta was lost when the islands were yielded to Napoleon with little

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resistance. The order was too weak to control Malta. The only solution was British rule: [Tjhere will be no security but by an English garrison only, the inhabitants of the cities and the country being governed by the English alone... the Knights cannot be admitted in any other shape than as a monastic fraternity, enjoying the credit of nobles and the respect due to birth, but not meddling with military or civil government.54 This petition was followed on February 1, 1802, by the arrival in London of a Maltese delegation of seven, including two priests. All these efforts, however, were in vain. On March 27,1802, the definitive treaty was signed at Amiens by Britain, France, Spain, and the Batavian Republic. Article ten of the peace treaty restored Malta to the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. To appease the inhabitants, a Maltese branch was to be added to the order. British forces were to evacuate Malta three months after the ratification of the treaty, but only if the knights first took possession of the islands.55 The signers at Amiens did not appreciate the difficulties of reestablishing the order on Malta. When Hompesch first learned of the revolt, he ordered Bailiff Guillaume de Neveu to lead a party of knights back to Malta, but the Maltese would not allow them to land.56 Furthermore, the order was in a state of chaos. Tsar Paul's illegal election was contested by other knights. Matters were only slightly eased by Hompesch's abdication on July 6,1799. The tsar pressed his claim, seeing a great opportunity for Russia to have a Mediterranean port if he could acquire Malta via his grand mastership of the order. The delay in the withdrawal of the British from Malta and transfer of the islands to the knights angered him and led him to impose an embargo on all British ships in Russian ports. 57 A Franco-Russian reconciliation appeared likely over Malta. After the assassination of Paul I on March 24, 1801, the office of grand master was vacant for two years, further delaying the treaty's implementation. Pope Pius VII broke the deadlock on February 9, 1803, by appointing the Italian knight Giovanni Tommasi as the new grand master. There was still, however, the opposition of the Maltese. One of Tommasi's first acts was to send Bailiff Nicolo Busi to Malta as minister plenipotentiary, but he was compelled to return because of the opposition he met. 58 While the order was struggling to reorganize, the Maltese continued to oppose the Treaty of Amiens. They had made their choice; the more other nations tried to ignore their wishes, the more stubbornly the Maltese insisted on British rule. On June 15, 1802, the Maltese Congress issued the Declaration of Rights of the Inhabitants of Malta and Gozo. In this document, the Maltese rejected the authority of other powers to cede the islands without their consent and asserted that "the right of electing another sovereign or of

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governing of these islands belongs to us, the inhabitants and aborigines alone and without control." 59 As the implementation of the Treaty of Amiens was delayed, Britain began to reconsider evacuating Malta. There were concerns about Bonaparte's future ambitions in the Levant, leading Britain to value Malta's strategic position in the Mediterranean. On September 10, 1802, Lord Whitworth was appointed ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary to the French Republic. His mission was to renegotiate the treaty so that Britain would retain Malta. The talks stretched on for months. On February 21, 1803, Whitworth wrote Lord Hawkesbury, the secretary of state for foreign affairs, of the result of his latest meeting with Napoleon: "His purpose was evidently to convince me that on Malta must depend peace or war." 60 Britain, however, became equally determined to hold Malta. In a March 14, 1803, letter to Sir John Warren, the English ambassador at St. Petersburg, Whitworth called Malta the Watch Tower of Egypt. Malta was essential to protect Egypt, and Egypt to protect India.61 Whitworth was not oblivious, however, to the consequences, and warned Hawkesbury on March 24 that "this Government must be convinced that the question is— Malta or war." 62 Repeated attempts at renegotiating Amiens failed and Whitworth left Paris on May 12, 1803. Napoleon had sincerely wanted a respite from war in 1801, if not actual peace, so that he might rebuild France's colonial empire in the Americas. But France's difficulty in asserting its rule in Haiti and the collapse of the Treaty of Amiens made this impossible. Since he feared that the British would take these lands once war resumed, one consequence of the failure of Amiens over Malta was that Napoleon sold the vast Louisiana Territory to the United States. War with France resumed in May 1803, and throughout the remainder of the Napoleonic Wars Malta served as a British base, supporting its naval activities in the Mediterranean. Furthermore, Maltese troops served in the British army in various operations. A detachment of 300 men from the Maltese Light Infantry, under Major Weir of the Royal Marines, volunteered to join an expeditionary force of 1,000 men, composed of British and other troops being sent to Elba in 1801. The French controlled Elba, except for its capitol, Porto Ferrajo, which was held by a small English garrison. The troops were landed on October 11 and repelled an attack by the French. The enemy then established an entrenchment within 200 yards of the English works. It was decided to drive the French from this position before they had time to emplace cannon. The attack was led by Colonel De Bersey's corps of Swiss Pioneers, supported by the Maltese under Major Weir. They succeeded in driving the French back and destroying the entrenchments. The men of the Malta Light Infantry remained for a year holding their post and then returned home in 1802. With the signing of the Treaty of Amiens, the existence of this unit serving in the British army was not appropriate and the

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Malta Light Infantry Regiment was disbanded in 1802, with most of the men enlisting in the two provincial battalions established.63 The surviving Maltese conscripted by Napoleon also returned home from the wars after the end of the French expedition to Egypt. Many of these men, who had before that time served under the knights, were formed into a unit known as the Corps of Maltese Veterans. Most of the officers were Maltese and their duties were mainly to keep public order and guard public buildings. In 1805 the British decided that another line regiment was needed in the Mediterranean, and with the rejection of Amiens, they could form a unit of Maltese to serve in the British Army. The provincial battalions were dissolved and the Royal Regiment of Malta was established. It was led by Maltese, British, and German officers, and had a total strength of 1,126. In 1807 the regiment was with British forces in Sicily, and then in October 1808 was dispatched to Capri under the command of Major Hamill. The regiment had 950 available to hold the island against an attack by the French General Murat and 6,000 veteran troops. The French succeeded in landing, after which fierce fighting ensued. Three-quarters of the regiment fell in the defense of Capri and the surviving 250 men surrendered with full military honors only after having exhausted all of their powder. What remained of the regiment returned to Malta in 1809 but there was little enthusiasm for further fighting by the Maltese away from their native soil. By 1811 the difficulty of raising recruits led to the regiment being disbanded.64 Napoleon was finally overwhelmed at the Battle of Leipzig in 1814 and abdicated. That same year, in the Treaty of Paris, the British possession of Malta was formally approved and, after the scare caused by Napoleon's return, was confirmed after Waterloo in 1815 by the Congress of Vienna. As for the Knights of Malta, they eventually established a residence in Rome, from which they continue as a sovereign entity dedicated to charitable work. CONCLUSION

In the Great Siege of 1565, the Maltese showed they could stand up to constant bombardment and assault. In the Maltese Revolt of 1798, they demonstrated great determination in enduring two years of hunger and disease. Hard as these two experiences were, the twentieth-century descendents of these people would have to face both bombardment and hunger in World War II. This future trial, however, might have been avoided. Had the Maltese passively accepted the decisions of the great powers of Europe, the islands would have been either returned to the knights or incorporated into the Kingdom of Naples. Either way, the Italian unification movement of the nineteenth century would have included Malta as part of the new Kingdom

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of Italy. In that case, Malta would have served as an Italian base in World War II guarding Axis convoys to North Africa, rather than harboring British forces attacking those very same ships. The Maltese people, however, had always resented the Act of Donation and reasserted their ancient right to choose their rulers. While they could not possibly see the consequences for later history, their defiance of the Treaty of Amiens and demand for British rule altered the course of world events. Those acts would also, eventually, force the Maltese people to shoulder the greatest cross they ever bore in their very long history.

8

British Malta Il'mir tal bahar u min andu Malta "Who holds Malta rules the sea" Maltese proverb

IN PALACE SQUARE in Valletta, on the portico of the building that once housed the grand master's bodyguard, the British erected the royal coat of arms. Beneath this emblem, written in Latin, was the phrase, "To great and unconquered Britain, the love of the Maltese and the voice of Europe confirm these Islands AD 1814." Love, actually, had very little to do with it. The Maltese, in their own brand of nationalism, chose the British over other possible powers as the one that could best promote the peace and prosperity of the Maltese Islands. The Maltese view was that Britain had been invited to take possession of Malta, while the British believed it was theirs by right of conquest. This began a long, love-hate relationship between the Maltese and the British. Regarding foreign rulers, a Maltese saying became common: "All foreign nations are bad but the British are least bad." 1 Like the long relationship with the Knights of St. John, there would be peace as long as the Maltese saw the British presence as beneficial. If not, the Maltese would press for change. The first British governor of Malta was Lieutenant General Sir Thomas Maitland, who was appointed in 1813 and served as both governor and commander in chief until his death in 1824. British Colonial Secretary Bathurst informed the new governor that his authority "is limited only by order of the King; he is responsible to His Majesty and to his country for his conduct, but his discretion is not to be shackled by any body of persons resident in Malta." Maitland made sure that there was to be no doubt that

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the Maltese were now subjects of the British Crown. The British did learn a lesson from the French experience, however, and Bathurst also directed that Maitland guarantee the "free exercise of religious worship to all persons who inhabit or frequent the islands." 2 Maitland was an efficient but autocratic administrator, receiving the nickname King Tom. He succeeded in dealing with an outbreak of plague and the economic situation also improved. Furthermore, he reorganized the judicial system and instituted trial by jury. In his efforts to impose British rule, Maitland excluded the Maltese from any role in the government and declared that English would replace Italian as the official language of government. The centuries-old custom of Maltese participation in government through the old structures of the Universita and the Consigilo Popolare, and the recent Maltese Congress, came to an end. Maitland was less successful, however, on language. Italian continued to be widely used, alongside Maltese, and language would continue to be a simmering issue in Malta. After his death, Maitland was buried in the Upper Baracca Gardens overlooking the Grand Harbour. 3 MALTA IN BRITISH STRATEGIC PLANNING

It is difficult to overstate Malta's strategic value to the British Empire. With a relatively small garrison, Britain held a virtually impregnable stronghold in the middle of the Mediterranean, in which the largest of her fleets could find safe anchorage and replenishment. The vast storehouses and other facilities inherited from the knights provided for the fleet's needs. One of the order's old magazines, known as the Grand Polverista, could hold 21,000 barrels of powder. 4 Furthermore, the population provided experienced sailors and skilled laborers to work the naval base, and was large enough to contribute to the garrison, but not so large that it would require a large force for internal security. The Maltese Islands became an important base from which Great Britain could project its power into the Mediterranean. During the Napoleonic Wars, in conjunction with Gibraltar, the Royal Navy was able to contain France in the Western Mediterranean. In the 1850s, Malta enabled Britain to sustain forces deep into the Black Sea during the Crimean War. Malta's role as a base for both galleys and sailing vessels has long been appreciated. A new age dawned in 1821 when HMS Comet, the admiralty's first steamship, entered service, to be followed in 1833 with the commissioning of the first steam-driven warships. This was the beginning of the Royal Navy's transition from sail to steam and Malta's new role as a coaling station. Malta's strategic value increased even more dramatically with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869. Along with Gibraltar and Alexandria,

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Malta became an important part of Britain's imperial chain to India and the Pacific. The Reverend Henry Seddall, an English resident on Malta, wrote in 1870: We cannot ignore the fact that the possession of Malta is to Great Britain a matter of supreme importance. . . . Our Indian empire is year by year growing in extent. Malta, by its advantageous position and its splendid harbors, enables us, as a maritime people, to maintain at all times such a naval force in the Mediterranean as shall keep the highway between England and India free of all intruders. If Malta and Gibraltar were to slip from our grasp, our exclusion from the Mediterranean would follow, and the safety of our Indian possessions would be endangered. The importance of our possession of Malta is therefore not to be measured by its circumference on the map. Small as it is, insignificant as it may seem, it may play a part in the future of England's history more prominent than some of our distant colonies, in comparison with which it is but a speck.5 THE MEDITERRANEAN FLEET In 1836, when Queen Adelaide, the widow of William IV, visited Malta, the military forces present to greet her included five battleships, one frigate, and a garrison of five regiments (Seventy-seventh, Forty-seventh, Fifty-ninth, and Ninety-second Highlanders, and the Royal Malta Fencible Regiment).6 The vessels of the Mediterranean Fleet in these last days of sail were little different from those Nelson led at the Nile. However, Nelson would not have recognized the Mediterranean Fleet of the late nineteenth century. In 1881, the British had based at Malta six ironclad battleships (ranging in tonnage from 6,000 to 9,500), along with seven gunboats, two dispatch vessels, and a training ship, all steam driven with auxiliary sails. The commander of the Mediterranean Fleet, RearAdmiral Sir F. Beauchamp Seymour, flew his flag from the 9,500 ton HMS Alexandra. One of the last remnants of the age of sail, the old ship of the line HMS Hibernia served as the flagship of Rear-Admiral John D. McCrea, admiral superintendent of the dockyard. The crews of these seventeen ships included 303 Maltese sailors, 48 on the Alexandra alone. Some of the jobs performed by these men were of a humble nature, many serving as stewards, cooks, stokers, and bandsmen. Others served in the more nautical occupations of sailmakers, ordinary seamen, and able seamen. Still others were seagoing craftsmen working on board ship as carpenters, shipwrights, coopers, caulkers, and tinsmiths. By the early twentieth century, another change had taken place in the Royal Navy, with the dreadnought rendering obsolete the battleships of previous designs. Another new development was the battle cruiser, an attempt to combine the heavy hitting power of the new dreadnoughts with the speed of a cruiser. In 1913 the four powerful ships of the Second

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Battle-Cruiser Squadron (HMS Invincible, Inflexible, Indomitable, and Indefatigable) dominated the Mediterranean Fleet.7 The fleet also featured a sloop of 970 tons named the Melita. Built in Malta dockyards in 1888, it was armed with eight five-inch guns.8 In 1925, ten capital ships were assigned to the Mediterranean Fleet. Four of these were modern battleships (Queen Elizabeth, Barham, Malaya, and Valiant) and four older dreadnoughts (Iron Duke, Emperor of India, Benbow, and Mar thorough). The other two capital ships, the aircraft carriers Eagle and Hermes, signaled that yet another revolution was in store for naval warfare. These large vessels were supported by ten cruisers and thirty-two destroyers, for a total of fifty-two surface warships based at Malta. 9 Budget cuts and other considerations reduced the number of battleships at Malta to five in 1932. These were the Queen Elizabeth (flag), Revenge, Ramillies, Royal Oak, and Royal Sovereign. In the years 1936-39, Malta was privileged to have the HMS Hood assigned to the Mediterranean Fleet. This 42,100 ton battle cruiser, the pride of the Royal Navy, was the largest warship in the world, with a main armament of eight fifteen-inch guns and engines that could generate 151,000 horsepower, giving her a maximum speed of thirty-two knots. Over 1,300 men were assigned to the Hood in peacetime, and the Maltese were sad to see it depart. When the Mediterranean Fleet was not at sea, it utilized both sides of the harbor area. Grand Harbour was where the larger vessels, such as battleships, carriers, and cruisers, were anchored. The destroyers, submarines, and motor torpedo boats were moored at Marsamxett. 10 The fleet regularly cruised in spring, summer, and winter. These often featured exercises with the Home Fleet and other units based in the Atlantic. These excursions emptied Malta of sailors, leaving the tavern owners and shopkeepers to count the days until the fleet returned. THE DOCKYARD

As early as 1815, the British wanted to build a dry dock at Malta for the local repair of ships. Finally, in 1841, work was begun on Dock Number 1 under the supervision of Rear-Admiral Sir John Lewis. It was designed by admiralty personnel, the plans being drawn up by an engineer named Scamp and the construction being conducted under Walter Elliot. The cost of the project when completed was approximately 60,000 pounds. On September 5, 1848, the new dock received its first customer, the steam-driven warship Antelope. The rear-admiral superintendent of the dockyard at that time was Rear-Admiral Edward Harvey. In 1857 the dock was expanded to accommodate even larger steamers, and the new works were solemnly inaugurated by Admiral Lord Lyons.11

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The British were very proud of their work in Malta and the fleet based there. The expansion and development of the harbor facilities continued under Governor Sir Gaspard Le Marchant (1858-64). The major achievement of his administration was to extend and deepen the innermost section of Grand Harbour, known as the Marsa. When completed, it allowed the largest ships to lay safely at anchor in the worst storms, sheltered by the Corradino Heights.12 Other improvements in the nineteenth century were the construction of Bighi Naval Hospital (begun 1831) and the Royal Naval Bakery, which was built between 1842 and 1845 in Vittoriosa (Birgu) on the site of the former Galley Arsenal of the knights. In 1901 the British decided to build a breakwater at the entrance of Grand Harbour for a cost of 1 million pounds. 13 On April 16, 1903, King Edward VII became the first reigning English monarch to visit Malta. A review of the Mediterranean Fleet was held and a ceremony conducted for laying the foundation stone for the new breakwater.14 By the beginning of World War I, the base at Malta featured one small building slip and seven dry docks, the smallest being 468 x 80 x 34 feet and the largest being 770 x 95 x 35 feet. The area of the harbor reserved for the fleet was 100 acres. Malta lay almost exactly between the other two major strategic British positions in the Mediterranean, with Gibraltar 980 miles to the west and the Suez Canal 1,010 miles to east. 15 At its peak, the dockyard employed 13,000 Maltese. While it was always claimed that the Maltese harbor facilities could handle any ship in the fleet, the dockyard workers were very proud when the great Hood, largest warship in the world, was serviced in one of Malta's dry docks in 1936. While the British military in general, and the navy in particular, had a tremendous impact on the Maltese economy, there has been an enduring Maltese influence on the Royal Navy as well. One notable example are the words and phrases that found their way into the Royal Navy's vocabulary, many of which remain today, stemming from Britain's long association with Malta. An old Navy synonym from the 1850s for fair play is "Charlie Moore," originating from a Maltese innkeeper's sign: "Charlie Moore, the fair thing." The sailor's slang term for food, "munjy," comes from the Maltese mangiare (to eat). To gabble loudly is to "zob," which comes from the Maltese xob. The naval slang word meaning "finish," "spitcher," used either as a verb or a noun, comes from the Maltese word of the same meaning, spicca (pronounced "spich-ah"). On the culinary front, there is the "cheesy," a special dish that originated in wardrooms served by Maltese stewards, made of toast with melted cheese, covered with grilled ham, and topped by a poached egg. The Maltese sailors who served in the Royal Navy, furthermore, had some unique expressions of their own. One of these is the phrase "my brother from Gozo." This is described by the Royal Navy's Web site as a Maltese seaman's "time-honoured" explanation of his failure to carry out

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an order. The sailor concerned would maintain that the accusing officer was mistaken, that the order had not actually been given to him, but rather to his "brother from Gozo." 16 This defense relied heavily on the difficulty that English officers might have in telling one of these darker-skinned Mediterranean sailors apart from another. THE DEFENSES OF MALTA

Like the knights before them, the British also augmented and updated the defenses of Malta, often in response to developments in artillery. In 1841, fourteen 68-pounders were placed in Malta. 17 One of the earliest improvements was the establishment of Lascaris Battery, built to defend Grand Harbor if enemy ships got past St. Elmo and Ricasoli. Construction began in 1854, and in the 1860s it was armed with fourteen eight-inch guns. 18 In 1866, four coastal batteries were proposed, two on either side of the main harbor area. On the northwest side were established Sliema Point Battery and Fort Pembroke, while on the southeast side were Fort St. Rocco and Fort St. Tombrell. 19 The Sliema Point Battery was built in 1876 with two eleven-inch and two ten-inch guns. In 1879 work began on Fort Pembroke, overlooking St. George's Bay. It was completed at a cost of 13,730 pounds. The seventy troops stationed there serviced three thirty-five-ton twelve-inch rifled muzzle loader (RML) guns with a range of 10,000 yards. 20 Originally, these new coastal batteries were to be armed with twentythree-ton RML guns, but with the rapid development of technology, it became necessary to increase their size during construction, some being eventually armed with thirty-eight-ton RML guns firing 12.5-inch shells. Likewise, the protection of the batteries was repeatedly upgraded. While five inches of protective iron had been sufficient previous to 1866, the introduction of the twenty-three-ton gun led this to be increased to twelve inches. By 1878, twenty-eight inches of armor plating was deemed necessary to withstand the bombardment of the largest ironclad battleships.21 It would seem that in their long possession of the islands, the knights had fortified every conceivable spot in the main harbor area. But if there was a chink in the armor, it was the Corradino Heights, directly across from Floriana and Valletta. The Turkish army had established batteries there in 1565, and the Hornwork at Floriana had been constructed to deal with any future threats from that direction. The British decided to build entrenchments on these heights and in 1871 began work on the Corradino Lines. These were completed in 1880 at a cost of 17,634 pounds and featured two sixty-four-pound RMLs. 22 Additional artillery positions were built around the main harbor area. On the northern or Marsamxett side, Fort Cambridge was built on the Sliema peninsula. It featured a single 100-ton RML, the heaviest muzzle

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loader ever built, with a maximum range of 14,000 yards, a gun crew of thirty-five, and firing a 17.72-inch shell. Begun in 1878, it was not completed until 1898 at a cost of over 19,000 pounds. 23 Another new position on this side of the harbor area was Garden Battery, which was sandwiched between Fort Tigne and Fort Cambridge. It was completed in 1894 at cost of 7,806 pounds and armed with one 9.2-inch breech-loading (BL) gun and two 6-inch BL guns, all on disappearing mountings.24 On the opposite or Grand Harbour side, the British built Fort Rinella, featuring another 100-ton gun similar to that in Fort Cambridge. Its massive artillery piece was mounted on January 12, 1888, with great ceremony. Delia Grazie Battery was then constructed between forts Ricasoli and Rinella. Completed in 1893, it was armed with two ten-inch and two six-inch BL guns, costing 16,344 pounds. 25 Also like the knights before them, the British never seemed satisfied with the defenses and continued expanding them. It could very well have been that, having replaced the famous order, Britain wished to make its own mark. In any case, whether out of nationalism or necessity, the British sought new ways of improving the defenses. A geological fault runs across the northwestern part of the island, and the British believed that this natural feature could be the basis for a new fortified line. In 1875 construction began on what was originally called the North-West Front. The natural escarpment was strengthened by forts Bengemma, Musta, and Madalena. Fort Bengemma was on the western end. It was completed in 1878 with three heavy guns and manned by Second Company Royal Malta Artillery.26 Fort Madalena, at the other end of the line, was begun in 1878 and completed in 1880. It was armed with one eleven-inch RML, four sixty-four-pounders, two forty-pounders, and two field guns. 27 The purpose of the line was to seal Malta off from invaders landing to the north in Mellieha or St. Paul's Bay. This defensive position was later renamed the Victoria Lines.28 Another British project was the fortification of Marsaxlokk, the great open harbor on the southern coast. The existing Fort St. Lucian was upgraded with casements and positions for disappearing guns. Fort Delimara was begun in 1876 to work with Fort St. Lucian and completed in 1888 at cost of 22,353 pounds. It was armed with six thirty-eight-ton 12.5-inch RMLs and eight thirty-two-pounders.29 Other positions constructed around Marsaxlokk were St. Paul's Battery (1881), Fort Ta Silc (1896), and Wolseley Battery (1897).30 The last piece of the chain of forts encircling Marsaxlokk was Fort Benghisa. Designed in 1909, it possessed two 9.2-inch and two 6-inch guns. 31 In the late nineteenth century, disappearing guns were popular, but had a slow rate of fire, taking fourteen minutes to shoot ten rounds. In 1892 the RMLs were replaced with 9.2-inch breech-loading artillery.32 At the end of the nineteenth century it was decided to replace the wide variety of breech loaders, muzzle loaders, and other guns on the islands with four basic gun

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THE FORTIFICATION OF MALTA UNDER THE BRITISH

types: 9.2-inch, 6-inch, 4.7-inch quick-firing (QF), and the twelve-pounder QF. By the beginning of World War I, the coastal defenses featured sixteen 9.2-inch and twenty 6-inch guns. 33 As far as troops were concerned, the British issued an 1859 report on the defenses of Malta in which it stated that a force of 6,000 soldiers was sufficient to hold its approximately twenty-five miles of fortifications. These troops were to be distributed as follows: Valletta, 2,000; Cotonera Lines, 2,000; Floriana, 1,000; and 1,000 spread among Ricasoli, Manoel, and Tigne. The report concluded, "Manning the parapets throughout their length is not the way of defending them. The science of fortification has as its object to enable small numbers to oppose large." 34 Over time the British military presence steadily increased from 6,500 (1879) to 10,777 (1889), to

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17,000 (1904), and 21,045 (1929). Furthermore, the old policy of the later knights was adopted in 1907 to fight on the beaches and not just defend the harbor areas. This would be the strategy during World War II. 35 In addition to the many British regiments that were stationed on the Maltese Islands over many years, units of Maltese troops also served in the garrison. Some units came into existence briefly, for only a few years, in response to a need for more troops during a crisis. During the period of the Crimean War, for example, there was the Maltese Militia (1852-57), the Malta Dry dock Battalion of Artillery (1853-64), and the Royal Malta Fencible Pensioners Company (1854-61). There were some specialy units as well, such as the Malta Militia Division of Submarine Miners (1892-1921). The two most famous Maltese regiments in the British Army were the Royal Malta Artillery (RMA) and the King's Own Malta Regiment (KOMR). In 1815, Lieutenant Colonel Count Francis Rivarola was entrusted with the task of raising the Royal Malta Fencible Regiment to help defend the islands. "Fencible" is an old term indicating that the unit was assigned to defending specific areas. During the Crimean War, the Maltese soldiers showed great aptitude for manning the artillery of Malta while British gunners were employed elsewhere, and the unit was converted to an artillery regiment in 1861 and became known as the Royal Malta Fencible Artillery. Twenty-eight years later it was renamed the Royal Malta Artillery on March 23, 1889. With the RMA being an artillery unit, the British decided that they needed a unit of Maltese infantry for the garrison. The Royal Malta Regiment of Militia was established in 1889. When King Edward visited Malta, he took the unit under his patronage and in 1903 it became the King's Own Malta Regiment of Militia. In 1931 it was established as a part of the regular army and became known as the King's Own Malta Regiment. Furthermore, the need for additional technical expertise in the garrison led to the establishment in 1935 of the Twenty-fourth Malta Fortress Squadron of Royal Engineers. One of the realities of being a military base was that the Maltese had to adjust to the various drills held by troops and the sounds of artillery practice. In its training, the Royal Navy used the tiny rock island of Filfla for gunnery practice. In 1900, war games were held including three brigades with naval support to test the Victoria Lines. It was judged that the attack was a success.36 In 1913, war games were again held and included a testing of the vulnerability of ships to submarine attack. Four battle cruisers and seven light cruisers were anchored in one of the northern bays, possibly Mellieha. A submarine was judged to penetrate the screen and sink two of the battle cruisers.37 Many bars catered to British servicemen on Malta, such as the Union Jack, Joe's Bar, Bonzo, and England's Glory.38 Other taverns took their name from Royal Navy ships, such as the Illustrious Bar.

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MALTA'S ROLE IN BRITISH MILITARY HISTORY, 1815-1939

While Europe was spared another general war for ninety-nine years, a host of smaller conflicts occurred and these kept the Mediterranean Fleet and Malta occupied. In the very year following Waterloo, the Royal Navy acted against the Barbary pirates. On August 27, 1816, a British fleet of five battleships, five frigates, seven sloops, four bomb vessels, and rocket boats under Lord Exmouth bombarded Algiers. The city's forts were destroyed and many vessels burnt. 39 Malta had long been a base for the order's actions against pirates in North Africa and Turkish shipping in the eastern Mediterranean. It would appear that the action at Algiers signaled a return to these activities. But what drove British actions in the Mediterranean was not crusading zeal but rather British foreign policy. It was British foreign policy that would determine whether the ships manned and supplied by the Maltese would be battling against the Turks or instead supporting them as allies. In the following decade there occurred the Greek War of Independence (1821-30), which placed Britain in an awkward position. While sympathetic to the Greek desire for independence from the Turks, British foreign policy was more concerned with the threat of growing Russian power and wanted to support the Ottomans. In particular, there was concern that Russia would use the Greek crisis to move against Turkey. In the 1827 Treaty of London, Britain tried to impose an armistice between the Greeks and Turks. The Mediterranean Fleet, under Admiral Eric Codrington in the eighty-four-gun Asia, along with French and Russian squadrons, was sent to enforce the treaty, placing themselves between the warring factions. The Turkish and Egyptian naval forces resented the interference and continued efforts to support their land forces. It was an impossible situation and on October 20, 1827, the two fleets fired on one another. The allied force, led by the British ships, annihilated the Turkish-Egyptian fleet at the Battle of Navarino. Sixty Turkish and Egyptian ships were destroyed, including four battleships, and Greek independence was virtually assured. The action cost the British 75 killed and 197 wounded. 40 In 1833, the pasha of Egypt seized Syria from the Ottoman Empire. The Turks had difficulty in responding to this act, but by 1839 a Turkish army was moving to reconquer Syria. A major Egyptian stronghold there was the old crusader fortress of Acre. In support of Turkey, the Mediterranean Fleet under Vice-Admiral Stopford bombarded Acre on November 3, 1840. The shore batteries were silenced and the fortress's magazine exploded, killing 1,100 soldiers. At the cost of eighteen dead and forty-one wounded afloat, the fleet forced the Egyptians to evacuate the town. 41 In the Crimean War (1854-56), Britain again was concerned with containing Russia and supporting Turkey. In this conflict, Malta served as both a naval base and an army base. In the spring of 1854, three regiments of

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Guards, a battalion of the Rifle Brigade, fourteen regiments of the line, and a detachment of the Royal Engineers were quartered at Malta. All were housed and provisioned until they could be forwarded into action. 42 Furthermore, Malta's warm climate and hospital facilities helped to heal many of these same men who returned as casualties. As for the Mediterranean Fleet, Vice-Admiral Sir James Dundas led it into the Black Sea, where it bombarded Odessa and Sevastopol, landed and provided logistical support to the army, and prevented supplies from reaching the besieged army at Sevastopol from across the Sea of Azov. This last action, performed by British gunboats, guaranteed the surrender of Sevastopol on September 9, 1855. 43 The decade of the 1860s was quiet, but in 1877 Russia invaded Turkey, seizing Bulgaria and threatening Istanbul. There was great concern that an Anglo-Russian war could erupt over the British desire to preserve Turkey in Europe. Known as the Russian War Scare, the crisis featured Indian troops being sent to Malta and Vice-Admiral Hornby leading the Mediterranean Fleet into the Dardanelles. Russia backed down and did not march against Istanbul. The situation remained tense for years to come, however, and there was another war scare in 1885. In 1882, riots in Egypt killed fifty Europeans and injured sixty. Troops from Malta were dispatched to the Suez Canal, and the Mediterranean Fleet helped remove the remaining European nationals. On July 11, the fleet, under the command of Vice-Admiral Seymour flying his flag in the Alexandra, bombarded the city of Alexandria. Eight ironclad battleships with forty-three heavy guns pounded the forts of the city. The forts were silenced at the cost of fifty-three casualties.44 Throughout the nineteenth century, Malta had enabled Britain to maintain a strong presence in the Mediterranean and respond to a variety of crises. It also, furthermore, became an important coaling station for shipping to India. By the beginning of the twentieth century, the reckless foreign policy of Kaiser Wilhelm II brought about what had been previously believed to be unthinkable, the reconciliation of France and Britain. The Anglo-French Entente left Britain free to reduce its Mediterranean units and boost its North Atlantic forces to counter Germany. A true revolution in international relations was taking place, one that would ultimately reverse British policy on Russia and Turkey. During World War I, the French Navy took responsibility for the western Mediterranean and the Royal Navy took charge of the eastern basin. The Mediterranean Fleet did not distinguish itself in this conflict. In the early months of the war, the German battle cruiser Goeben and light cruiser Breslau evaded Royal Navy units and entered the Dardanelles, thus assisting Turkey's entry into the war on the side of the Central Powers. In the following year, Winston Churchill, the First Lord of the Admiralty, proposed that the Mediterranean Fleet attempt to force the Dardanelles, thus

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knocking Turkey out of the war and opening a year-round supply route to Russia. Since the War Office would not provide troops, this became an allnaval operation. Four French battleships joined the new British dreadnought Queen Elizabeth and eleven older battleships. Due to the constricted nature of the straits, as well as the minefields and submarines, the campaign failed, causing the loss of one French and four British battleships.45 The navy then supported the land operations on Gallipoli, which also failed. While the Dardanelles and Gallipoli campaigns were failures, British naval power guaranteed Allied control of the Mediterranean Sea, containing Austrian and Turkish forces. However, there were not enough British destroyers to address the submarine threat. Other Allies had to help with the burden, and by the end of the war there were more Japanese destroyers based at Malta than British.46 After the outbreak of World War I, the British garrison on Malta was reduced to two units, the West Kent Regiment and Northumberland Fusiliers, as all other troops were sent to the front. The defense of the islands rested upon the 1,032 men of the Royal Malta Artillery and the 3,393 of the KOMR. The First Battalion and part of the Second Battalion of the KOMR volunteered for foreign service at Gallipoli under Lieutenant Colonel Charles Sciortino.47 Eighteen hundred Maltese also served in two labor battalions, one at the Dardanelles and the other at Salonika.48 Known during World War I as the "Nurse of the Mediterranean," Malta also cared for many after Gallipoli. It is estimated that its medical facilities served as many as 25,000 sick or wounded Allied military personnel at any one time. 49 Britain was exhausted from the long struggle of the Great War and could not maintain its large fleet. In 1921-22 the Committee on National Economy, chaired by ex-First Lord of the Admiralty Sir Eric Geddes, made severe cuts in the navy. This downsizing of the Royal Navy was formalized by the 1922 Washington Naval Treaty. The personnel strength of the Royal Navy went from a high of 380,000 in 1919 to 89,600 by 1932. This resulted in fewer jobs for Maltese. Despite these cuts, the Mediterranean Fleet still had a job to do, and it responded to events leading up to the outbreak of World War II. There was political instability as the Ottoman Empire collapsed and was replaced by the Republic of Turkey. The navy supported British troops in Istanbul, evacuated refugees from the burning of Smyrna in 1922, and, in a moment of great irony, transported the last sultan of the Ottoman Empire, the deposed Mehmet VI, to Malta aboard the battleship Malaya. From Malta he went on to Italy, where he died in exile in 1926. In the 1930s, thefleethad to contend with two crises that foreshadowed an ominous change in Mediterranean strategy. The Italian invasion of Ethiopia in 1935, followed by Italian support for the Spanish Civil War from 1936 to 1939, led Britain to reconsider Malta's suitability as a base in the event of a war with Italy. During the Ethiopian Crisis, in fact, the Mediterranean Fleet was

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temporarily relocated to Alexandria. The garrison was confident it could deal with an invasion, but the new concern was air attack and the safety of the fleet. Some improvements were made in air defenses, such as the establishment of a sounding mirror at Bahar ic Caghaq. Sounding mirrors were used before radar to pick up the sound of incoming aircraft. The one at Malta was built during 1935 war scare over the Italian invasion of Ethiopia. Aimed at Catania, this structure was twenty-five feet high and built of stone. It would later be replaced by radar. 50 These developments were insufficient and concern over the suitability of Malta as a base with the advent of aircraft continued. MALTESE STRUGGLES FOR HOME RULE In 1870, the Reverend Seddall provided the British perspective on how fortunate Maltese were under British rule: "For the last sixty-eight years the Maltese have lived contentedly under the mild and equitable rule of Britain, and have proved themselves not unworthy of the protection afforded to them. We can wish them no greater blessing than that they may long continue to enjoy the shelter of that banner on which the sun never sets." 51 Just as they did under the knights, the Maltese benefited economically from British rule. But also as in the time of the knights, the Maltese still insisted on a degree of freedom. In fact, the Maltese believed that because they had prevented the transfer of Malta back to the order and had publicly proclaimed a preference for British rule, they had chosen to become a part of the British Empire of their own free will and were not conquered. Therefore they expected a voice in the governance of their land. The British viewed the islands as a military outpost protecting and extending the interests of their nation and were reluctant to lessen their control over such an important base. Unlike the French, the British were respectful of the Catholic Church's position on Malta. Protestant churches were built, such as St. Paul's ProCathedral and the Church of Scotland in Valletta and Holy Trinity Anglican in Sliema, but no sectarian strife occurred. After negotiations, the Vatican in 1828 agreed to restrict the jurisdiction of ecclesiastical courts to spiritual matters only, abolish right of sanctuary in criminal cases, and that all clergy, except the bishop of Malta, could be made subject to court proceedings. In all these matters, the British were more successful than the knights had ever been in their jurisdictional conflicts with the bishop of Malta. 52 Still there was the matter of political rights. The Maltese continued to agitate and in 1835 the Council of Government was created to advise and assist the governor. It was a very small step in the direction Maltese leaders wanted to go. Only two of the eight members were to be Maltese and it was to be merely a consultative body, with all authority remaining with the governor. This was not acceptable, and further agitation prompted London

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to issue new letters patent in 1849 that completely revised the council. It was to be a true legislative body with the authority to pass laws. It was composed of eighteen members, ten to be appointed by the governor and eight elected by the people. Furthermore, at least five of the appointees were to be Maltese, thus giving local citizens the majority. The council was limited in that it could not enact laws contrary to those of the United Kingdom or the Colonial Office, and the Crown reserved the right to veto any of its actions. Despite these protections of its authority, the British government was uneasy with the arrangement and in 1883 made the Council of Government simply advisory again. This was unacceptable to the Maltese, and a new constitution was formulated in 1887 that attempted to balance Maltese control of the legislature with Crown control of the administration. This also was not deemed to be satisfactory and in 1903 the British went back to a structure similar to that of 1849 in which most of the members of the legislature were appointed by the governor.53 To British observers, these constitutional struggles were a nuisance. Seddall, writing in 1870 on the governorship of Sir John Gaspard Le Marchant (1858-64), stated, "The bulk of the population in Malta, indeed, cared very little who was Governor; but the restless spirits who had traded on agitation for years became more restless than ever. Like spoiled children, after every wish had been gratified, and even their little whims and caprices had been indulged, they still continued to stamp, and to cry, and to refuse to be comforted." 54 In addition to democracy, other "whims" that the "restless" concerned themselves with touched on the area of language. When the British arrived there were two languages on Malta: Italian, used by the intellectual and higher business classes, and Maltese, used by everyone else. Unlike Italian, however, Maltese was not a written language. The British encouraged the learning and use of English but could not succeed in getting it to completely replace Italian. In 1870 there were ten newspapers in Malta: three in English, five in Italian, one in English and Italian (// Mediteraneo), and one in Maltese (// Malti). The British succeeded in making English the official language of the schools and the university, alongside Italian. Proficiency in English was also a major factor in civil service appointments. On another track, the colonial government also encouraged the use of Maltese, including providing a written alphabet as another means of undermining Italian.55 A postwar economic downturn led to the most severe confrontation between Britain and the Maltese. On June 7, 1919, a demonstration was held in Valletta to protest the price of bread. The situation became confrontational and in three separate incidents, inexperienced British soldiers fired on crowds, killing two Maltese and one Gozitan. The following day a fourth man was bayoneted and killed. This became known as the Sette Giugno Riots.

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This tragedy led to the Constitution of 1921, which was an attempt to address the Maltese desire for self-government, while also reserving military control and other matters of strategic interest in the hands of the governor. The new constitution created two distinct governments, one for domestic matters and the other for military and strategic affairs. The two major political parties in the new government were the Constitution Party and the Nationalist Party. The Constitution Party was staunchly pro-British and promoted the use of the English language.56 Its leader was Lord Gerald Strickland, whose father was an Anglo-Catholic naval officer who married a woman of the Maltese nobility. The Nationalist Party promoted the use of Italian in education and in the courts. Although English and Italian were equally accepted for educational purposes, the Nationalists fought to keep Italian as the sole language for the courts. An early leader of the Nationalist Party was Dr. Fortunato Mizzi. He called the Italian language "the tongue given to the Maltese by mother nature." The party placed primary emphasis upon the retention of Italian as the language of commerce, education, and government. In his own assessment of the situation of Malta in the late nineteenth century, Mizzi said that the Maltese were attached to "the British Flag, the language of Italy and the Religion of the Pope." He died in 1905 and was succeeded by his son Enrico as the leader of the party. 57 THE PRO-ITALIAN MOVEMENT In 1861 the population of the main island was 118,596 (88 percent), while that of Gozo and Comino was 15,495, for a total of 134,091 (including 1,274 English).58 In fifty years the population doubled to 228,680. 59 The 1931 census was the last taken before the start of World War II. This showed a Maltese population of 258,400. There were altogether 16,567 British military personnel on the islands. The vast majority of these were with the Royal Navy (14,080). The army had 2,066 soldiers on Malta, and the RAF had 421 stationed there as well.60 Furthermore, the British civilian population had grown to 5,514. 61 Thus the total British population on Malta was 22,081 for a ratio of 1 Briton for every 11.7 Maltese. This large British presence, plus the efforts to push the English language, resulted in 26.4 percent of Maltese being able speak English as a second language, up from 19.8 percent in 1921. The Nationalists had taken up the language challenge, but were less successful, with 15.6 percent of Maltese speaking Italian as a second language in 1931, compared to 13.6% ten years earlier.62 In the 1930s, Mussolini's increasingly aggressive foreign policy caused concern for the British government. There was increased tension on Malta between the governor and the pro-English Constitutional Party on one side,

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and the pro-Italian Nationalist Party on the other. The Italia Irredenta movement, which advocated the incorporation into Italy of neighboring regions having a primarily Italian population, had a good deal of support in Malta, particularly among the educated classes. 63 Dr. Enrico Mizzi, a lawyer by education, was the son of the great Maltese political leader Fortunato Mizzi and an Italian mother. Likewise, he saw Italy as Malta's mother country. He believed in a union of Malta and Italy. When he was first elected in 1916, he claimed to be the representative for the Italian nationality of Malta. He even proposed that Italy and Britain swap possessions, Malta to Italy in exchange for Eritrea. These views led to frequent reprimands, the loss of his license to practice law, and a year in prison for sedition during World War I. Although Mizzi's views long preceded Mussolini and the rise of fascism in Italy, the British government became increasingly alarmed at the prospect of a Nationalist victory at the polls. 64 The Nationalists barely lost the 1927 election for the Legislative Assembly but gained control of the Senate. In 1930 the situation became chaotic, with Strickland's Constitutional Party getting into a conflict with the Church and the bishop of Malta urging people not to vote for that party. Since it appeared to ensure a Nationalist victory, the British suspended the 1921 constitution in May 1930, while keeping Strickland on as an advisor. The dispute with the Vatican was patched up and elections were held in 1932, but the Nationalists won nonetheless. The Nationalists proceeded to encourage the use of Italian and to speak of Italy as Malta's motherland. After ignoring warnings from the British, the 1921 constitution was suspended again and the governor was the sole authority. 65 Now that the Nationalists were eliminated from the government, Maltese and English became the official languages of the law courts in 1934 and Italian lost all official standing.66 Malta became bilingual (Maltese and English) and remains so today. In 1936, yet another constitution was decreed that vested full authority in the governor. This was relaxed slightly in 1939 with the establishment of the Council of Government, similar to that of 1903 in which the members were appointed by the governor.67 Again, this council was dominated by Strickland and the Constitutional Party. CONCLUSION

Malta served the British Empire well in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Its value as a naval base was constant through the transition from the age of sail to that of steam, as well as in the transition from coal to fuel oil. Like the Knights of Malta before them, the British naval enterprises brought prosperity to the islands. Like the Arabs, the long association of

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Britain with Malta also had a lasting linguistic impact, as the Maltese continue to be an English-speaking nation today. During the decade of the 1930s, however, the Anglo-Maltese relationship became increasingly strained. Britain's reaction to the perceived Italian threat and suppression of Maltese political liberties caused much resentment. To make matters worse, fascist Italy was becoming increasingly belligerent. Not only was its large fleet a formidable threat (four battleships in 1939 with four more under construction), but the rise of airpower made the situation of the Mediterranean Fleet, only sixty miles away from Sicilian airfields, particularly vulnerable. If war came, what would the Maltese do? A student of Maltese history living in 1939 would find this a hard question to answer. In 1565 the Maltese stood shoulder to shoulder with the Knights of St. John, yet in 1798 welcomed their departure and vigorously opposed their return. As the world drifted toward war in the 1930s, much would depend on the choice made by the people of this small but very strategic speck in the Mediterranean.

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9

Malta and World War II: The Italian Phase Malta... that unsinkable aircraft carrier. Winston S. Churchill

MALTA AT THE BEGINNING OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR When World War II began on September 1,1939, the British Mediterranean Fleet comprised 55 major warships: the aircraft carrier Glorious, the 3 battleships of the First Battle Squadron (Warspite, Barham, and Malaya), 3 heavy cruisers, 3 light cruisers, 39 destroyers, and 6 submarines, plus 5 minesweepers and 12 motor torpedo boats. Not only did many Maltese serve aboard these ships, but the Royal Navy Dockyard at Malta employed 13,000 men. In addition to the main force at Malta, 7 minesweepers were based at Alexandria, as well as 2 destroyers, 1 escort vessel, and 2 fleet tugs at Gibraltar. The Royal Navy's most likely opponent in the Mediterranean would be the Italian Navy. In the summer of 1939 the Italian fleet was a large force, featuring 4 battleships, 7 heavy cruisers, 14 light cruisers, 61 destroyers, 70 torpedo boats, and 104 submarines-a total of 260 warships (not including an additional 72 motor torpedo boats), served by 4,143 officers and 70,500 men. The four battleships were old vessels of the Cavour class, built during World War I. These 24,000-ton ships were undergoing modernization and at twenty-seven knots were faster than the British battleships, but in other respects did not match up well with the dreadnoughts of the Mediterranean Fleet. The British flagship Warspite (30,600 tons), although slower at twenty-four knots, was armed with eight 15-inch guns and protected by a

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13-inch armor belt. The Cavour-class ships, on the other hand, were armed with ten 12.6-inch guns and their maximum armor was only 9.75 inches. The Italians did have four new battleships under construction, and these were a completely different story. The Littorio-class battleships were powerful, modern 35,000-ton vessels armed with 9 x 15-inch guns, protected by 12 inches of armor, and still fast at thirty knots. None of these new battleships, however, was ready in 1939. Furthermore, in its planning, Britain did not expect to face the Italian Navy alone. Its French ally possessed a fleet of one carrier and seven battleships. Five of these battleships would be committed to the Mediterranean in the event of war. Therefore, in 1939, the British and French would have nine capital ships to meet the four Italian. The French also were building new battleships, and these Richelieu-class ships could easily match the new Littorio vessels. If Mussolini brought Italy into the war, the Allies were confident that the Mediterranean would be secure. What is surprising is that Malta did not figure prominently in Britain's Mediterranean strategy at the beginning of World War II. Although its strategic importance had been universally recognized for centuries, in the late 1930s Britain began to question Malta's value in the event of a war with Italy. This recent change of heart was the result of British fears of modern airpower, demonstrated in the Spanish Civil War, and the vulnerability of British ships to air attack from the nearby Italian airfields. As a result, the Mediterranean Fleet was moved to Alexandria, from where it would control the eastern basin, while the French patrolled the western Mediterranean from Toulon and Oran. Charles Jellison, in his book Besieged: The World War II Ordeal of Malta, argues that in the beginning, Britain did not plan on holding Malta in the event of Italian intervention: [I]t is clear that sometime during the years immediately preceding the war the British government reached the decision not to defend Malta in the event of a conflict with Italy. Since the mid-1930s, when the Abyssinian crisis had brought the whole matter to the fore, British Army and RAF planners had been cautioning the government that because of Malta's proximity to enemy naval and air bases it could be held against an Italian assault only at great cost, and probably not even then. It would be better to let the island go. The Royal Navy, and its good friend at court, Winston Churchill, dissented vigorously: Malta, with its strategic location, excellent harbors, and first-rate dockyard facilities, was invaluable as a base for Mediterranean naval operations. . . . In the end, though, the government concluded that under the circumstances a defense of Malta would be inadvisable.1 The Chamberlain government's opinion was that French bases in Corsica and North Africa would serve just as well to control the central

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Mediterranean. As a result, Malta's defenses were neglected in the years preceding the war. In fiscal year 1939-40, military spending for the island dropped to less than 40 percent of what it had been three years earlier and shortly before the start of the war a shipment of 112 new antiaircraft guns originally designated for Malta was diverted elsewhere. By spring 1940, food reserves were less than five weeks. Clearly, Britain did not regard holding the islands as essential.2 This was the first major mistake made by the Allies in the Mediterranean. In the fall of 1939 and the following winter, it looked liked the matter was academic. The war was a distant storm, inflicting its harm first in Poland and then Scandinavia. Close to home, Italy made it clear that it would not join the conflict and the Maltese hoped that Mussolini would continue to sit out the war. The Maltese received their war news from newspapers and the Rediffusion Radio, a system of radio relayed by wires available to each home and business and controlled by the government. The first few months of the war were not without pain for the Maltese people. On October 19,1939, fourteen Maltese sailors died when a German U-boat penetrated the defenses at Scapa Flow and sank the British battleship Royal Oak. Altogether, forty-six Maltese sailors were killed in action before the bombing of Malta ever began. The worst loss of life in these early months occurred when the aircraft carrier Glorious was sunk off Norway by the German battle cruisers Scharnhorst and Gneisenau on June 9, 1940, and twenty-five Maltese died. The movement of the Mediterranean Fleet to Alexandria also caused economic hardship for Maltese businesses that catered to British servicemen. ANGLO-FRENCH COOPERATION IN THE MEDITERRANEAN

One of the major efforts by the Allied navies in 1939 was the blockade of Germany. Units at Malta helped enforce the Mediterranean part of it, which affected Italy. This harmed Anglo-Italian relations, and Count Ciano, the Italian foreign minister, protested to the French and English governments on November 24. On November 30, 1939, Ciano met with Sir Percy Loraine, the British ambassador to Italy, and protested more vigorously. On December 6 he was informed by France's ambassador to Germany that the Allied blockade would not interfere with the importation of coal from Germany.3 The rest of the blockade remained in place and on December 10 Ciano noted, "Mussolini is becoming more and more exasperated by the British blockade. He threatens countermeasures and revenge. I believe, on the contrary, that we can do very little about it. Either we have the power to oppose, which means war, or else we keep our mouths shut and try to solve difficulties in a friendly way." 4

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It was difficult for Italy to remain neutral. On January 14, 1940, Germany protested the sale of Italian airplane motors to France. Mussolini wanted to forbid the export of war materiel to the Allies, but the Italian minister of currency, Riccardi, claimed that the country would soon be left without foreign exchange, depriving it of the means to acquire the raw materials Italy needed for military preparedness.5 On January 23,1940, at a meeting of the Council of Ministers, Mussolini spoke of the international situation. He emphasized that Italy could not remain neutral indefinitely or it would become a second-rate power. He foresaw military involvement in late 1940 or early 1941. Ciano noted, "He speaks of terror bombings over France, of the control of the Mediterranean."6 On February 7, 1940, Mussolini refused to sell arms to Great Britain, which greatly dismayed Riccardi, who was counting on the 20,000,000 pounds sterling that were part of the agreement to purchase raw materials, mostly from the British market.7 The next day the British ambassador replied that this would affect Italy's import of German coal, which was mostly shipped by sea, as well as seriously harming Anglo-Italian relations.8 Mussolini would not relent and Britain declared that on March 1,1940, German coal bound for Italy would be considered contraband and seized. In March, Mussolini began to draw a sketchy outline of possible Italian military actions, speaking of staying on the defensive in the Alps and Libya, with an offensive against British East Africa and an aero-naval offensive in the Mediterranean.9 He was in no hurry, however, and on April 22 said he would not enter the war until spring 1941. INTERNMENT OF PRO-ITALIAN MALTESE

While Britain did little for Malta's external security, it was much more active internally. This led to a second major mistake on their part, which, coupled with the first, put their hold on Malta at risk. After the beginning of the war, the Constitutionalists warned of the threat that Nationalists represented to security. On May 7, 1940, Strickland and the Council of Government warned of hundreds of quislings on Malta and called for the internment of pro-Italian Nationalists. Strickland gave a speech on May 9, 1940, saying that there were "amongst us people who are traitors to the country in which they are living, traitors to the country in which they are earning their livelihood, traitors to their brother Maltese." He specifically called for the internment of his Nationalist opponent Enrico Mizzi. 10 Mizzi responded, "[W]e have a great admiration for the British nation, but if we respect and admire the British nation we also respect the Maltese people and nation, our tradition and civilization, and we will not allow anybody to terrorise us on the excuse of disloyalty."11

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About ninety Maltese were rounded up on May 10. While the decision of the British-dominated Council of Government gave legitimacy to the internment, the warrants were signed by Governor Dobbie. Fiftyfour more were arrested between May 11 and 31, with ten more later that year and seven in 1941. 13 The internees included Enrico Mizzi, newspaper editor Alberto Ganado, and Sir Arturo Mercieca, the sixty-two-year-old chief justice and president of the Court of Appeals, along with his family. The most prominent member of the clergy was Monsignor A. V. Pantalleresco. In the warrants, section 18 of the Malta Defence Regulations of 1939 was cited, which stated: "[T]he Governor may, for the purpose of assuring the public safety, or defence of these Islands, or in view of the hostile origin or association of any person, require that any person be interned." 14 Later, an Emergency Powers Ordinance was passed by the Council of Government on February 9, 1942, to deport forty-seven of the internees to Uganda. This group left Malta on February 12 and included Ganado, Mizzi, and the Mercieca family.15 Were these people fascists? Not at all. Enrico Mizzi and his followers were advocates of Italian culture in Malta as a method of preventing the Anglicization of Malta. In the 1930s, Mizzi argued that Malta was an essential link between England and Italy. The Maltese, he said, should remain loyal to the Crown but not abandon their ties with Italy, a connection that gave them an individuality they would otherwise lose in the vast British Empire. It also preserved their connection with Catholic Europe. Mizzi saw no conflict between this Italian connection and loyalty to Britain.16 True, there were some fascists on Malta in the 1930s, most notably the Union of Maltese Fascists. The irony, however, is that they were part of Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists and were pro-British. There were about a hundred members under Baron Giuseppe Chappelle, including members of the aristocracy and soldiers. On joining, new members signed a "declaration of loyalty to the King, the Nation and the Movement." As one historian of the internment of the Maltese has stated: "Far from being a Nationalist group, the fascist organization in Malta was a right-wing faction of the Constitutionalists."17 COLLAPSE OF FRANCE AND ITALIAN INTERVENTION On May 10, 1940, the same day the arrests of the Nationalists began, the German offensive in the West began. The Dutch and Belgians were soon overwhelmed and the Anglo-French counterstroke ended in disaster at Sedan. On May 30, in the wake of German victories in France and hoping to reap some of the spoils, Mussolini decided not to wait a year, but to enter the war then. On June 1, after informing Hitler, the date for hostilities was set

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for June 11. On June 7, the Italian consul general in Malta closed his office and left for Italy. On June 10, Italy declared war. Once again, war came to the Maltese people. What course of action would they take? Their long history provided three options. First, in light of the overwhelming disparity between the British garrison and the armed forces of the new "Rome" to the north, they could follow the example of the Second Punic War, realize that resistance was futile, and welcome the new rulers. Another option would be to follow the example of 1798, when Napoleon landed, and wait to see what the British would do. If they seemed determined to hold the island, then the Maltese would fight. If the resistance were half-hearted, then they might also welcome the invaders to avert unnecessary Maltese losses. Or would they follow the example of 1565 and make a stand against a powerful foe with whatever meager resources were available? While there might be some doubt as to what the Maltese would do, a new force in Britain was resolved that Malta be held at all costs. Winston Churchill, one of Malta's greatest advocates, became prime minister on May 10,1940. Soon afterward Paul Reynaud, prime minister of France, proposed that an offer be made to Italy that, if it stayed out of the war, it would be awarded Gibraltar, Malta, Corsica, and Nice at war's end. On May 28, 1940, the five-member War Cabinet voted on whether to accept the proposal. Churchill was adamantly opposed and was joined by Clement Atlee and Arthur Greenwood in voting no. The two favorable votes were cast by Neville Chamberlain and Lord Halifax.18 But could Malta be held? Maltese defenses were below the minimum deemed necessary for successfully holding the islands. Malta was supposed to have two squadrons of bombers and reconnaissance plans and four squadrons of fighters. None of these were ever assigned. As for the garrison, in June 1940 it amounted to only four battalions of British regulars, the RMA, and the KOMR. This force of approximately 5,000 was to defend thirty miles of coast and the three airfields.19 The air defense was composed of sixteen antiaircraft guns, two dozen searchlights, and a primitive, unreliable radar set.20 There were three RAF airfields: Hal Far, Ta Qali (called Takali by the British), and Luqa. Hal Far was on the south side of the island near Marsaxlokk. The oldest airfield, it was built in 1918. Ta Qali, in the center of the island, was newer. More of a meadow than an airfield, it would be the main base for fighter command on Malta. Halfway between the two was Luqa, the new and best all-purpose airbase. Although incomplete in June 1940, Luqa possessed cross-runways that allowed aircraft to take off and land in any direction. Furthermore, these runways were hard surfaced and could accommodate heavier planes.21 There was also a Naval Air Station at Kalafrana, nicknamed the "Prison Camp" by the Maltese ground crewmen because of the strict discipline there. Still, they were airfields without aircraft.

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The state of Malta's civil defense was even worse. During fiscal year 1939-40, which ended just prior to Italy's entry into the war, Malta's colonial government spent less than 1 percent of its budget on civil defense. Even the Constitutionalists were surprised that the government was doing so little. Between the outbreak of war in September 1939 and Italy's entry into it the following June, only three rock shelters were started, and none finished.22 The governor at this time was Lieutenant General Sir William George Dobbie, a man whose physical stature, at 6 feet 4 inches, sharply contrasted with the typically shorter Maltese. He also belonged to a strict Protestant sect, the Plymouth Brethren. His deep piety, while it grated on many of the military professionals on the islands, did strike a chord with the religious Maltese and forged a bond. In 1798 the Maltese had abandoned the Knights of St. John when they saw that the knights would make no serious resistance, but only a show for the sake of honor, a show that would result in needless Maltese deaths. This situation looked like it was being replayed in June 1940, especially with the neglect of the island's defenses. A determined Italian force landing on the island could easily overcome the meager garrison. Just as effective could be a few air raids against purely military targets, followed up by a close blockade to starve the poorly stocked island into submission. Either strategy could lead the Maltese to abandon Britain for Italy, particularly after the unjustified arrest of the Nationalists. JUNE 11, 1940

On the morning of June 11, the dockyard workers were streaming to the harbor to begin their shift, which started at 7 AM. At 6:50 the island's sole radar set, positioned on the Dingli Cliffs, detected numerous aircraft approaching from the north. They were fifty-five tri-motored Savoia Marchetti 79s bombers, escorted by eighteen Macchi C. 200 fighters.23 Some of the attackers dropped their loads on Hal Far, while others bombed the Grand Harbour area. One bomb scored a direct hit on a gunpost at the tip of Fort St. Elmo, killing six RMA soldiers, Malta's first army casualties. Other bombs hit Msida and Pieta. The worst damage was in heavily populated Cospicua. A second raid by thirty-eight bombers struck again later that afternoon.24 Altogether, there were eight raids that day. Two hundred buildings were completely or partially destroyed. Civilians composed the great majority of the 36 killed and 130 injured. Casualties would have been more severe, but the Italians used fifty-kilogram bombs. 25 When the first raid hit, the dockyard workers were crowded by the main gate. When sirens wailed they first thought it was a drill. Then someone yelled, "Air raid! Come on, run!" The workers panicked and surged through the gate, rushing for shelter inside the dockyard compound. Here many found

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safety in tunnels dug centuries earlier by the knights to house their galley slaves. Others made the best of the partially completed deep rock shelter.26 The residents of Cospicua did not have shelters to flee to. No air raid drills had ever been conducted and many were confused about what to do. Many also panicked and fled to the Corradino highway tunnel a half mile away. Neither was there a plan for evacuating people from bombed areas. Thousands fled the Three Cities and Paola on their own. It is estimated that during the first two days of the war, between 60,000 and 80,000 people fled the Grand Harbour area. Many would return, but they would find it hard to ever feel safe in their homes again. An old railway tunnel outside Valletta was reopened and turned into an immense dormitory that served many of the capital's residents, as well as those of nearby Floriana in the years to come. Tunnels were also dug out of the solid rock, some within the dense fortifications left by the knights. Individuals armed with pickaxes excavated smaller family shelters. These would have two entrances to reduce the chances of being blocked by debris. Many urban residents used old wells, dug before the construction of city water lines, for shelter. Those living outside the cities used caves, and in the Paola area the underground Hypogeum of the Temple Builders provided shelter. In time, more public shelters were also constructed. Many, however, never went into the shelters. Venerina Castillo of Marsa, for example, said that if she were to die, she wanted it to be in her home, and not in a hole in the ground. It is possible that, had the Italians launched a quick invasion at the outbreak, they might have seized Malta with little effective resistance. It is also possible that if they blockaded the islands and starved the inhabitants, the people may have reevaluated their relationship with the British, much as they had done with the Phoenicians and knights. But any goodwill toward Italy vanished with the bombing of Malta. Had the Italians struck only military targets it would have been different, but the first raids destroyed houses as well, homes that had been passed down over generations. Beloved churches were hit as well. After the first raid, the matter was settled. It was 1565 all over again, and the Maltese would make their stand beside the British, just as they had with the knights. Italy lost Malta with the first bomb dropped on a Maltese home. Stunning as the first raid was, there was another shock of a more positive nature. This was the appearance of three stubby little biplanes that rose to meet the intruders. In a modern version of David versus Goliath, these aircraft charged into bomber formations and even traded fire with the more modern Italian fighters. The Maltese soon named them Faith, Hope, and Charity. But where did they come from? In April 1940, the carrier Glorious left Alexandria for the North Atlantic in a hurry to support Norway operations and left behind some crated Sea Gladiators at the naval air station at Kalafrana. These were reserve

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aircraft for the carrier. Malta's air officer, a New Zealander named F. H. M. Maynard, asked the navy to hand them over to the RAF for air defense. Although the aircraft were already assigned to another carrier, Cunningham approved four of them for Malta. A bureaucrat at the Admiralty actually inquired as to why he would allow Fleet Air Arm property to be taken over by the RAF. Despite such interservice rivalry, the four were assembled at Kalafrana and stationed at Hal Far, where the British succeeded in keeping their existence a secret. There were a dozen qualified pilots on Malta, athough they were for the most part in administrative posts and had no fighter training. All volunteered and seven were chosen.27 The Gladiator had a top speed under 240 mph, a fixed undercarriage, all-steel fuselage, and an 840-horsepower Bristol Mercury engine. It was a rugged aircraft, armed with four .303 machine guns. The pilots called them flying tanks, while the Maltese thought that on the ground they looked like donkey carts. In the first few days, three of the planes were in action, with the fourth used for parts. Damage to the aircraft, plus the strain on those flying, led to a rotation of the pilots on three shifts of two pilots each, meaning that after the first week there were never more than two and often only one Gladiator in the air to meet the Italian raiders. During an attack they would climb to 20,000 feet and then swoop down into the bomber formation, using the dive to compensate for lack of speed. Officially, they were known as Station Fighter Flight Number 1. The pilots of Faith, Hope, and Charity were adored by the Maltese, and their newspaper photos adorned the pious Maltese homes alongside pictures of Jesus and Mary. Of the three, Faith is on display in the National War Museum. Of the seven pilots, two survived the war, Peter Keeble was killed over Malta on July 16,1940; two others were killed in action in Belgium and Greece in 1941; another was killed in 1942 flying out of Gibraltar; and Peter Hartley was shot down over Malta and badly burned on July 31, 1940. 28 The Italian air raids were sustained for a month and a half. There were 53 raids in June, followed up by another 51 in July. The raids tapered off afterward, but by the end of the year there were another 107 for a total of 211 Italian air raids against Malta in 1940, or an average of just over one air attack a day. Malta could not rely on the Gladiators forever. Fortunately, the British finally awoke to the need to hold Malta in the wake of France's defeat. The aggressive Churchill had always advocated holding onto Malta and began to forward whatever air units were available to the island. Britain wanted to get Hurricanes to Malta and the only way was by carrier. The first attempt at this was Operation Hurry. On August 2, 1940, the old carrier Argus flew off twelve Hurricanes, and all arrived safely. This was done despite the fact that the Battle of Britain had been underway since July 10. Such operations, however, were not without risk. Three months later, in Operation White,

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the Argus carried another twelve Hurricanes for Malta, but only four made it on November 17, 1940. After takeoff the planes encountered a strong headwind, and eight ran out of gas, seven pilots losing their lives. Throughout the war, the British mounted a total of twenty-seven such operations, ferrying 764 aircraft to Malta in this way: 361 Hurricanes, 385 Spitfires, and 18 torpedo bombers. Of these, 718 reached Malta, 12 returned with the carriers, and 34 were lost. Not all stayed on Malta; 150 of the Hurricanes flew from the islands to North Africa to reinforce the Desert Air Force there. 29 These reinforcements helped, but the air defense was always outnumbered by the enemy. From October 11, 1940, to February 10, 1941, the average number of fighters available for action was eleven.30 MALTA AND ITALIAN WAR PLANS

By June 1940, Italy's battleship strength increased. The Littorio and Vittorio Veneto were completed, the last two of the Cavour class were completing modernization, and work continued on the new Roma and Impero. So now, with these new additions and the surrender of France on June 24, the situation in the Mediterranean changed drastically from what it had been nine months before, from nine Allied capital ships against four Italian, to six Italian capital ships versus four British. For Italy, control of the Mediterranean was essential. All its African and Middle Eastern objectives could be reached only across the sea, so the Italian Navy would play a pivotal role. The fleet itself was large, modern, and possessed a very good naval commando branch. However, despite its modern character, it lacked radar, sonar, and night fighting training. Its most serious deficiency, however, was the lack of aircraft carriers, which Mussolini believed were unnecessary. Furthermore, the Italian Navy was not allowed to have its own air units, like the British Navy's Fleet Air Arm. For air support, it had to rely on the Italian Air Force and there was no effective coordination between the two services. Italian fleet commanders requiring air support had to contact the Admiralty, which then passed on the request to the Air Ministry, which, if it approved, would then notify the respective air units. The result of this cumbersome arrangement was that very often the Italian fleet went into battle with no air support at all. While this would be an important issue throughout the Mediterranean campaign, it should not have been an issue for an invasion of Malta, only sixty miles from the Italian bases in Sicily. Ample land forces for an invasion were available from among the fortyplus divisions of the Italian army. Furthermore, the Italian merchant marine, with a total of 1,235 ships of approximately 3,500,000 tons, would provide sufficient shipping to transport and maintain an offensive, particularly one so close.

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Italy hoped to acquire Tunisia and Corsica after the fall of France, but was denied these territories in the armistice. Mussolini's choices for conquest were now limited to Malta, Cyprus, and Egypt. From the German point of view, the first move should have been against Malta, which was weakly garrisoned and close to Italian airfields. According to Admiral Ruge, "It was the only piece of hostile territory in the central Mediterranean, and, in view of the general situation, it should have been the primary objective for a vigorous assault by all Italian arms." 31 The Luftwaffe Field Marshal Albert Kesselring would later state, "Italy's missing the chance to occupy the island at the start of hostilities will go down in history as a fundamental blunder." 32 The Italian Navy also supported invasion and since 1938 it had maintained that the occupation of Malta was a primary and indispensable condition for fighting any war against Great Britain. When war seemed imminent, the navy had presented a plan for the conquest of Malta to the Supreme Command. But the Supreme Command gave up this idea due to its opinion that the war would be a very short one, and also because it was believed that the Italian Air Force would be able to neutralize the island's military effectiveness.33 Furthermore, Mussolini was a disciple of air power theorist Giulio Douhet, who believed that civilian populations could be bombed into surrender. Invasion, according to Douhet's doctrine, was unnecessary. Bombardment alone would be sufficient and the Italian Air Force was deemed up to the task, with 2,500 to 3,000 aircraft, 1,500 of which were first-line aircraft ready for combat. There were 200 fighters and 350 bombers stationed only twenty minutes' flying time from Grand Harbour. 34 The bombing of Malta was the first Axis mistake and not invading at the onset was the second. Still, invasion might not have been necessary if a successful blockade had been imposed. Malta produced only 30 percent of its own food, and 70 percent of what it imported came from Italy and its North African colonies. In addition to food, fuel and munitions had to be imported.35 A major difference between the situations in 1565 and 1940 was that, while the knights and Maltese had ample supplies for the campaigning season, in 1940 the island had over ten times the population and was vulnerable to starvation. In this respect, the situation was more akin to the Maltese revolt against the French in 1798-1800. FORCE H The surrender of France put Malta in great peril. Even with Italy in the war, the French naval and air forces would have supported Malta. Now the military situation was transformed from France and Britain against Germany, to Britain facing Germany and Italy alone. In the 1940 armistice, Hitler rebuffed Mussolini's demands for French territory. He allowed Vichy to hold southern France, North Africa, and the

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French colonies, as well as to maintain small land forces to control these places. The French Navy was to disarm and the naval bases at Toulon, Bizerte, Ajaccio, and Mers-el-Kebir to be demilitarized until the end of hostilities between Britain and the Axis. The German government would not acquire French warships. Britain was determined to hold its position in the Mediterranean. Churchill opposed an Admiralty suggestion of abandoning the eastern Mediterranean and concentrating its naval forces at Gibraltar. So the Mediterranean Fleet, consisting of four battleships, one carrier, seven cruisers, twenty-two destroyers, and twelve submarines, remained at its base in Alexandria. At the end of June, Force H was formed at Gibraltar to take the place of the French fleet in the western Mediterranean. It was composed of the battle cruiser Hood, two battleships, one carrier, and eleven destroyers.36 On June 28, Vice-Admiral Sir James Somerville hoisted his flag on the Hood. Churchill had from the very start opposed the idea of the expendability of Malta. Regardless of the French situation, he had always looked upon the island as essential to Britain's power in that part of the world, referring to Malta as "our unsinkable aircraft carrier." Now, with France's surrender, he reversed the policy of the previous administration and ordered Malta held at all costs. 37 Gradually the garrison was increased and the defenses restored. In addition to the fixed coastal defenses, twenty-five-pounder and eighteen-pounder field guns were added in concrete emplacements or dug into cliffs, covering the coast, as well as the airfields. 38 By the end of 1940, the garrison was up to 10,000 soldiers, including the KOMR and RMA. Air strength had also increased to sixty-three planes: twelve Swordfish, twenty Wellington bombers, six Sunderland flying boats, five Glenn Martin Marylands, and twenty Hurricanes.39 On February 19, 1941, conscription was passed, making all men between ages eighteen and forty-one eligible for military service. This exempted Maltese working in the government, dockyards, quarries, or as stonemasons. Over time, this measure added 14,600 Maltese to the defenses, not counting the hundreds who volunteered.40 By August 1941, the garrison exceeded 22,000 and would eventually reach 30,000. It was composed of thirteen infantry battalions, three of which were contributed by the KOMR, and backed by 104 artillery pieces. The antiaircraft defenses were 112 heavy and 118 light antiaircraft guns. The RMA grew to six regiments: two heavy antiaircraft, two light antiaircraft, and two coastal artillery regiments. Fighter strength was increased to seventy-five Hurricanes. 41 THE AXIS "ALLIANCE"

Jealous of the successes of the German dictator, Mussolini announced his intention of conducting a "parallel war, not with or for Germany, but only

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for Italy at the side of Germany." 42 One advantage the Allies possessed that does not get adequate attention is that military dictatorships and totalitarian powers are by their very nature distrusting and incapable of cooperation. The "decadent, liberal" democracies were better able to cooperate and focus their energies as allies. What they lacked in the ability to marshal and regiment forces internally, they more than compensated for in the ability to collaborate with other powers. The German High Command regarded the Mediterranean as unimportant. The German Navy felt otherwise. On September 6,1940, and again on September 20, Grand Admiral Raeder tried to convince Hitler of the great possibilities of this theater, but could get no commitment of resources.43 In this case, Hitler's strategic vision was inferior to that of Napoleon. Bonaparte appreciated the importance of striking England through the East and of securing Malta as a first step. The Axis had the strategic advantage of internal lines of communication in the Mediterranean and North Africa. While the British contended with a supply route of 14,000 miles around the Cape of Good Hope to the Suez Canal, an Italo-German supply route of only a few hundred miles existed across the Central Mediterranean. If the Axis moved quickly and with determination, Egypt, the Suez Canal, the Middle East oil, and even India were within its grasp. Even Japan might have found the solution to its oil problem, and hence its looming showdown with the United States, by joining an attack on British Pacific possessions and acquiring its oil from the Middle East. Naval and air units on Malta, however, would negate this advantage and the many opportunities that could flow from it. EARLY OPERATIONS

Two interrelated conflicts developed in the Mediterranean theater of operations: a land battle in North Africa, between the Italians in Libya and the British in Egypt, as well as a naval campaign centered on convoys to sustain both combatants. Air power contributed to both struggles, yet due to limited resources, it was often unable to support both land and sea campaigns simultaneously, resulting in difficult choices to be made. Success in one area impacted the other. Gaining or losing ground in North Africa affected the number of air bases available to attack or defend convoys. Air and light naval units at Malta threatened the Axis supply lines to North Africa. Ultimately, the Mediterranean theater of operations came down to a race between convoys sustaining Malta and those supporting the Axis forces in North Africa. It was as if two wrestlers had grasped each other by the throat. The first to pass out would yield victory to the other. In this match, Malta was vulnerable. The islands were a net importer of almost every commodity before the war, a situation made even more

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precarious by the additional demands for war materiel to defend it, as well as to sustain offensive operations against Axis shipping. Estimates indicated that the islands needed 26,000 tons of supplies a month or the cargo of three large merchant ships.44 The first major naval action occurred one month after Italy entered the war. On July 6 an Italian convoy of five troopships sailed from Naples to Benghazi. It was covered by a large Italian fleet under Admiral Inigo Campioni-two battleships (Cesare and Cavour), six heavy cruisers, twelve light cruisers, and twenty-four destroyers. The next day, the Mediterranean Fleet under Admiral Andrew Cunningham sortied from Alexandria to provide cover for two British convoys. One fast convoy (thirteen knots) of three ships had families of servicemen being evacuated from Malta aboard, while the other featured four ships (nine knots) carrying supplies. Cunningham had three battleships (Warspite, Royal Sovereign, and Malaya), the carrier Eagle, four light cruisers, and sixteen destroyers. The Italian convoy made it on July 8 and Campioni set course to return to Taranto. On July 9 a flying boat from Malta detected Campioni's fleet 145 miles west of Cunningham. The Eagle's aircraft maintained contact while the British moved to intercept. The two battle lines exchanged fire and the Cesare took a fifteen-inch hit, reducing her speed. Campioni broke off action and withdrew, making smoke and launching torpedo attacks with his destroyers. The British veered off and then pursued to within twenty-five miles of the Calabrian coast before withdrawing. Italian bombers finally showed up and bombed both sides, yet scored no hits.45 The following month, another convoy was run to Malta from Alexandria, again covered by the Mediterranean Fleet. While one freighter was damaged by air attack, three merchant ships succeeded in delivering several thousands tons of food and military supplies to Malta. As part of Churchill's commitment to build up the garrison, the convoy included eight heavy antiaircraft guns, ten light Bofors guns, and two battalions of infantry.46 Force H also covered naval reinforcements for Cunningham, including the carrier Illustrious, the battleship Valiant, and the antiaircraft cruisers Coventry and Calcutta. After delivering guns and ammo to Malta, these vessels joined the Mediterranean Fleet. ITALIAN FIASCO IN GREECE After much prompting by Mussolini, on September 13,1940, the Italian army in Libya attacked Egypt. After moving sixty miles inland, however, it came to a stop and could not be prodded further. Dissatisfied with the lack of any military glory comparable to the German victories, Mussolini looked elsewhere. On October 28, Italy attacked Greece from its territory in Albania. The invasion of Greece soon turned into disaster. Not only was the Italian army repulsed, but the Greeks counterattacked and pushed the invaders back

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into Albania. Furthermore, the British provided assistance by occupying Crete and establishing a base at Suda Bay, the halfway point between Malta and Alexandria. Hitler was never informed of these plans and Mussolini enjoyed taking him by surprise. Once again, Axis plans suffered from the lack of cooperation. Hitler needed Italy to resume its attack in Egypt to support its diplomatic efforts in Spain. In June, Franco had promised Spain would join the Axis if it were guaranteed supplies and weapons. But when Hitler met Franco at Hendaye on October 23, 1940, the Spanish leader was clearly impressed by British actions in the Mediterranean and wanted more. He now required either the invasion of England or the capture of the Suez Canal as a condition of entering the war. 47 By autumn only the latter was possible, and if Mussolini had focused on this, he might have succeeded in bringing Franco into the war. A Spanish conquest of Gibraltar would have meant the end of Malta's stand and would have been disastrous for the Allies. As it was, Malta helped keep Italy from Suez, which kept Spain from Gibraltar and out of the war. TARANTO

In October 1940, the three Glenn-Martin Marylands of Number 431 Flight of the RAF arrived on Malta. These long-range reconnaissance aircraft would do a better job of observing Italian shipping in port than the slow flying boats used previously. Before, Cunningham had to wait for the Italians to reveal their location. Now Italian naval bases were kept under constant surveillance. This gave him the opportunity to put into effect a plan that required knowledge of the Italian fleet's presence at Taranto. The first step was Force H escorting reinforcements for Cunningham. These were the battleship Barham, cruisers Glasgow and Berwick, and six destroyers, as well as 2,150 more troops for the Malta garrison. This convoy left Gibraltar on November 7. Cunningham also sortied from Alexandria with the battleships Warspite, Valiant, Malaya, and Ramillies, and the carrier Illustrious, to cover a convoy to Greece and Crete with stores, fuel, and ammunition, another five freighters to Malta, and four empty cargo ships from Malta. 48 Cunningham's plan to attack the Italian battle fleet in Taranto was originally set for October 21, Trafalgar Day. But there were numerous glitches-a fire in the Illustrious hanger, the Eagle's fuel lines being damaged by earlier near misses, and three Eagle Swordfish being lost in transit to the Illustrious due to contaminated fuel in tanks. Operation Judgment was rescheduled for November 11, with twenty-one aircraft instead of original thirty. 49 Meanwhile, a Maryland took off from Malta and flew over the Italian base at Taranto.

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By November 11, Cunningham had his reinforcements, and the convoys had all reached their destinations safely. His fleet took a position 170 miles southeast of Taranto, and a plane from Malta landed on the Illustrious with the Maryland's photos. These revealed six Italian battleships in harbor. At 6 PM the Illustrious with attending escorts began its dash into the Gulf of Taranto. The plan was for two waves of Swordfish torpedo bombers. The first was composed of twelve planes led by Lieutenant-Commander Kenneth Williamson commanding 815 Squadron (half with torpedoes and half with bombs and magnesium flares). The second wave of nine planes from 819 Squadron was led by Lieutenant-Commander J. W. Hale (four armed with bombs and the others with torpedoes).50 At 8:35 PM the first wave took off, followed an hour later by the second wave. The raiders scored five torpedo hits: three on the new Littorio, and one apiece on the Duilio and Cavour. The Cavour was beached after being hit in a vital spot and was never fully repaired. The Littorio was out five months and the Duilio for six months. The Italians were down to two active battleships, Vittorio Veneto and Cesare, which were moved north to Naples, while the Andrea Doria was still completing its modernization.51 This great achievement came at the cost of two planes lost but guaranteed British naval dominance for the next six months. Two weeks after Taranto, the British battleship Ramillies, escorted by two cruisers and five destroyers, was headed west from Alexandria. Meanwhile Force H, consisting of Renown, Ark Royal, five cruisers, and nine destroyers, was moving east with a Malta-bound convoy of three fast freighters. Despite its losses at Taranto, the Italian Navy dispatched the Vittorio Veneto and Cesare, six heavy cruisers, and fourteen destroyers south of Sardinia to intercept either of the British squadrons before they joined forces. Admiral Campioni, commanding the Italian force, had hoped that with land-based aircraft available in Sardinia, less than sixty-five miles away, the Italian Air Force would provide him with fighter protection and air reconnaissance. He was let down in both respects and had to learn from his own ship-borne aircraft that the two British squadrons had already united and were close by. At noon on November 27, the opposing forces came into range. The action lasted one hour and resulted in damage to an Italian destroyer, which had to be towed away. The Italians broke off the action due to lack of air support. 52 The convoy reached Malta, along with 1,400 more troops for the garrison on the cruisers Manchester and Southampton. On December 16, another convoy from Alexandria under cover from Cunningham left for Malta with four more supply ships.53 At the beginning of December, there was a shake-up in the Italian Navy. Admiral Arturo Riccardi became the new Commander in Chief of the Navy and Campioni was replaced by Admiral Angelo lachino as Commander in

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Chief, Afloat. But nothing was done to provide the Italian Navy with adequate air support. On December 6, 1940, General Wavell's Army of the Nile attacked the Italians in North Africa at Sidi Barani. The Italian army collapsed and the British captured Bardia with naval support on January 4, 1941. Tobruk fell January 22 and Benghazi on February 1. The British finally came to a halt at El Agheila on February 9. The eastern half of Libya, Cyrenaica, had been lost to the Italians, and the other half, Tripolitania, was now at risk. Wavell's success was due to his aggressive spirit and the imaginative use of his mobile forces, as well as the naval support he received. His offensive was continuously supported by naval bombardments and 3,000 tons of supplies delivered by sea each day. The Italian Navy, on the other hand, failed to supply or otherwise support its army. 54

MALTA'S ROLE IN HAMPERING ITALIAN SUPPLIES At the beginning of the war, Italy had 604 merchant ships of 500 tons or more available, for a total of 1,952,953 tons of shipping. In the six months of war during 1940, Italy lost 45 merchant ships of 161,423 tons. 55 Malta's effectiveness during this phase of the Mediterranean campaign was mostly as an air base, both in launching air attacks on Axis shipping and in providing Cunningham with early detection of Italian shipping movements and allowing him to thwart Italian resupply efforts. These actions, plus Mussolini's major effort against Greece, all deprived the Italian Army in North Africa of its needed supplies and left it vulnerable to defeat. The British submarines were initially a disappointment. They were too large for the coastal waters and narrows where the more successful attacks could be made. By the end of 1940, Royal Navy submarines sank nine ships and one Italian submarine, but at the cost of nine submarines.56 As a result, smaller U-class boats, which were more appropriate for the patrol areas, were dispatched to Malta. In time the submarine campaign would become more effective. For the time being, Malta was already undermining the Italian war effort. The postTaranto months were ones of relative security for Malta, a feeling that was greatly enhanced on December 20 when Admiral Cunningham sailed his flagship Warspite into Grand Harbour for a visit. Cunningham arrived early in the afternoon with the battleship and a destroyer escort. The visit was a great boost for morale, which Cunningham took note of: [A]s things had been very quiet for some time I decided to take the Warspite into Grand Harbour for a night or two while the destroyers refueled. . . . It was our first visit since May. . . . As we moved in with our band playing and guard

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paraded, the Barracas and other points of vantage were black with wildlycheering Maltese. . . . I went all over the dockyard next morning with ViceAdmiral (Sir Wilbraham Ford) and was mobbed by crowds of excited workmen singing "God Save the King" and "Rule Britannia"... We stayed in Malta about forty hours completely undisturbed by any air attack. It was a most useful visit.57

ANOTHER ALLIED MISTAKE On December 23, 1940, Churchill thought the Italian defeats in North Africa and Greece an opportune moment for a radio message to the people of Italy. In this broadcast, he blamed the war on Mussolini and proclaimed England to be the friend of the Italian people. The time might have been right for this message, as the Italian position was collapsing in North Africa. It was undone, however, by the overly aggressive Churchill, who transferred forces from Wavell to assist Greece, depriving the British general of the means to finish the war in North Africa in early 1941. Once ousted from North Africa, it would have been very difficult for Italy to return. The southern Mediterranean coast would have been firmly in British hands, supporting Malta as a forward base. Not only was this opportunity missed, but the war in the Mediterranean was about to take a new turn with German intervention. The Italian collapse led Hiker to send two divisions under General Erwin Rommel to Tripolitania, where it would known as the Afrika Korps. Hitler also sent Fliegerkorps X under General Geisler from Norway. This air corps included long-range bombers, dive-bombers, fighters, and reconnaissance machines, a total of 450 aircraft. It had been especially trained and equipped for attacking ships. By mid-December it was on the move southward through Italy. Early in January 1941, it had already deployed about 300 aircraft in Sicilian airfields at Catania, Comiso, Trapani, and Palermo, as well as nearby Reggio Calabria. 58 The Royal Navy and the Maltese people would soon become painfully aware of its existence.

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Malta and World War II: The German Phase Holy Mary, let the bombs fall in the sea, or in the fields. Maltese wartime prayer

EAGLES FROM THE NORTH

Immediately after Taranto, the Royal Navy engaged in various actions, including supporting land operations on the Libyan coast and bombarding the Italian supply base at Valona, Albania. Malta made its own contribution to the war effort, but its resources were limited. There were few submarines and air strength was insufficient compared to the hundreds of enemy aircraft in Sicily. At the time of Cunningham's visit in December 1940, there were only sixteen Hurricanes, twelve Swordfish, and sixteen Wellingtons, as well as four Sunderland flying boats and four Marylands for reconnaissance work. Nevertheless, these aircraft struck Italian shipping at Brindisi, Bari, and Taranto, destroying supplies intended for Italian troops in Greece. Air strikes also hit shipping in Tripoli, one of the Italian Army's main bases in North Africa.1 In January 1941, the Royal Navy put on a double convoy effort known as Operation Excess. A convoy of four ships sailed from Gibraltar escorted by Force H. One was bound for Malta with 4,000 tons of ammunition and 3,000 tons of seed potatoes, and the other three carried supplies for Greece. At the same time, the Mediterranean Fleet covered two supply ships for Malta, a tanker for Greece, and escorted empty freighters back to Alexandria. Malta's small air force supported this convoy operation with a strike at Naples on the night of January 8. The small force of Wellingtons damaged

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the battleship Cesare, prompting both she and the Vittorio Veneto to withdraw even farther north to Genoa. This spared both convoys from any threat of surface attack. 2 The convoys reached their destinations safely and the escorts easily repulsed high-altitude Italian bombing attacks on January 9. On the morning of January 10, everything changed with the first appearance of German aircraft in the Mediterranean. Eighty-seven Stukas came screaming out of the sky and scored six 1,000-pound hits on the Illustrious. The carrier's steering gear was wrecked, the flight deck damaged, there were fires in the hangar deck, and 126 of its crew were dead, along with 91 wounded. The crippled ship could not make it to either Gibraltar or Alexandria. Malta was its only chance and it was hit yet again steaming to that refuge. The cruisers Gloucester and Southampton were also hit in the latest attack, the latter so damaged that it was abandoned and sunk.3 The Illustrious limped into Grand Harbour undetected and was placed in French Creek. As she anchored, over a thousand Maltese dockyard workers swarmed aboard to try to make the vessel fit for a dash to Alexandria. Meanwhile, the British garrison made special arrangements for the antiaircraft batteries. The gun crews were not to target specific aircraft; rather, each gun was individually laid in to fire at a certain spot over the carrier, the interlocking pattern thus creating a wall of fire and steel over the crippled ship. The Maltese were warned over the rediffusion radio to stay inside, that a new barrage was planned and it would be very dangerous outside. Fliegerkorps X sought to finish off the carrier, but it was not until January 16 that the Germans were able to locate the Illustrious and prepare their attack. The first massive raid by sixty dive-bombers and dozens of fighters was frustrated by the wall of antiaircraft fire, the RAF Hurricanes, and a smoke screen. The carrier survived the assault with minor damage from a single bomb hit. On the eighteenth, the attackers turned their attention to Malta's airfields to break down the defenses. The carrier was almost ready to sail by the next day when another raid caused further damage beneath the waterline. The exhausted dockyard workers patched up these new wounds and the Illustrious was ready to make a break for freedom on the evening of the twenty-third. The carrier crept slowly out of the harbor and was soon making twenty knots toward Alexandria. She reached that port safely, and after further work, sailed on to Norfolk, Virginia, for complete repairs.4 This intensive bombing of Malta was known as the Illustrious Blitz. The damage it caused to Malta was extensive, since practically every bomb that missed the carrier hit the densely populated Three Cities area. On January 16, at Vittoriosa (Birgu), the historic sacristy of the Church of St. Lawrence, then used as a shelter, received a direct hit. Thirty-three people were trapped and died in the ruins, their moans beneath the large blocks of stone being

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heard for three days. In addition to the loss of human life, items of great historical value were also ruined, including an icon of Our Lady of the Wayside that the knights had brought from Rhodes.5 Twenty-two were killed in Senglea. In the search for survivors, whistles would be blown as a signal for all to quiet down when a sound was heard from under the rubble.6 Often the searches ended in heartbreak. In Cospicua, stevedores and rescue workers wept as the bodies of three children were dragged from the slime of a sewer that had engulfed a shelter. The men had clawed with bleeding fingers to get through the stone and filth to reach the victims and needed tetanus shots afterward.7 There were happy endings as well, but these too required great effort. It took three days to free the Costa, Mizzi, and Pisani families from their cellars, buried under heavy blocks of limestone and a four-foot layer of rock. Mr. and Mrs. Caruana of Cospicua were also entombed for three days before being freed from their basement.8 Rev. Canon J. Cassar of Cospicua recalled the horrors of the Illustrious Blitz: It is difficult to envisage any more heart-rending sight, the fear in the people's eyes, the children's haunting cries of terror or their pleas for food. A man who had been rescued from a partly demolished house was squatting on the ground as all stretchers available were occupied. His clothes were in shreds. . . . [He was given] a morphia injection. I hope I may never see such a sight again. His face looked like a black crusted mask. His eyes and face were covered with dirt and coagulating blood. Blood poured out from his neck and chest. Every now and then this grotesque face screamed in pain. He asked for a priest and the Rev. Canon Edward Zerafa who carried out a lot of spiritual and humane work in Cospicua during the war years did his best to comfort him. This man later died from his injuries.9

Meanwhile, to the south, the British Army of the Nile had been trying to complete its conquest of North Africa, despite having to divert forces to assist the Greeks. As the British army became weaker, the Afrika Korps began to be transported to Tripolitania in February 1941. To further reinforce the Italians, nearly half of Fliegerkorps X, mostly dive-bombers and fighters, were transferred to North Africa. As for Malta, despite the departure of the Illustrious, it continued to suffer intensive bombing. This ground down the air defense, which by February was reduced to six Hurricanes, three Fulmars from the Illustrious, and one of the surviving Gladiators. Malta tried to strike back. The Wellingtons of 148 Squadron bombed the Sicilian airfields, while the Swordfish of 830 Squadron, in cooperation with the scouting Sunderlands, hunted for Italian convoys.10 Still, the relentless pounding paid off for the Axis. In February and March 1941, the Italians successfully transported the Afrika Korps to

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Tripoli, moving an armored division and 500,000 tons of equipment and supplies to North Africa with little loss. Only 6 out of 100 ships were sunk, or 20,000 out of 220,000 tons of merchant ships sent.11 The British had by then deployed the new U-class submarines to Malta. One of these, the Upright, commanded by Lieutenant E. D. Norman, torpedoed and sank the Italian cruiser Armando Diaz on the night of February 25. Still, it was not until well into March that the Malta flotilla discovered the best points for attacking the Libyan convoys. By that time, most of the Afrika Korps had made it safely ashore, prompting the German high command to send a rare note of thanks to the Italian Navy: "Particularly gratifying is the fact that this operation could be carried out with so few losses, notwithstanding the great difficulties and the dangers of enemy action." 12 On March 10, 1941, the Formidable, a new carrier, arrived to replace Illustrious and Cunningham was able to run four supply ships to Malta. Still, even after Taranto, the Italian Navy was able to make its presence felt. In World War I, the Italian Navy had employed light naval forces with moderate success. Building upon this experience in the interwar period, the Italians built a number of explosive motorboats and two-man torpedoes. The first type of craft were small motorboats fitted with a heavy charge in the bows. Piloted by one man, they were to race toward the target at high speed, then, at about 100 yards from the vessel, the pilot would lock the rudder and jump overboard as the explosive laden-boat continued on course and crashed into its victim. The two-man torpedoes, known as "chariots,"or more familiarly as "pigs," were submersible craft on which the crew, wearing breathing apparatus, sat astride. On reaching their objective, the warhead was detached, clamped on the keel, and a time-fuse set. Three of the fleet's Perla-class submarines were adapted to carry these weapons. These vessels were formed into the Tenth Light Flotilla and placed under the command of Prince Iunio Valerio Borghese. On March 25, 1941, two Italian torpedo boats transported six of these explosive motorboats from the Dodecanese Islands to the vicinity of the British base at Suda Bay on Crete. The boats successfully penetrated the bay, sinking a 20,000-ton tanker and a 12,000-ton transport, and crippling the heavy cruiser York.13 A few days after this success, the Italian battle fleet tried its luck. With assurances of German air support, Admiral lachino, flying his flag from Vittorio Veneto, sortied on March 27 along with six heavy cruisers, two light cruisers, and fourteen destroyers. His mission was to disrupt British supplies and reinforcements to Greece. The Italian ships were spotted by aircraft and Cunningham left Alexandria to intercept with two battleships, the carrier Formidable, four light cruisers, and thirteen destroyers. The Italian fleet was let down again, this time by Fliergerkorps X. In the ensuing Battle of Cape Matapan on March 28, the Italian fleet lost three heavy cruisers and two destroyers. Despite the Italian heroics at Suda Bay, Britain still dominated at sea.

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The situation on land, however, was a different matter. The intensive bombing of Malta had allowed the German forces in North Africa to increase and Rommel launched his first offensive on March 31 against the weakened Army of the Nile. Benghazi was retaken by April 4 and the British army was in retreat. The day before, a pro-Axis faction of Arab officers in Iraq, led by Rashid Ali Gailani, seized power in Baghdad, threatening the rear of the British Army of the Nile. To the north, on April 6, the German Twelfth Army attacked Greece and Yugoslavia from Bulgaria, Rumania, Austria, and Hungary. The Axis juggernaut seemed unstoppable in both the Balkans and North Africa. By April 11, Rommel was at Tobruk, while the British aid sent at such sacrifice to Greece could not prevent the German Twelfth Army, backed by overwhelming air superiority, from conquering the country in less than three weeks. On April 23, Greece surrendered and the British troops began evacuating the next day. April was a bad month for Malta as well, with an average of three raids a day. On April 8,1941, the Moor, an improvised minesweeper with an allMaltese crew, was lost on a mine. Twenty-nine men were killed, with Tony Mercieca of Marsa as the sole survivor.14 It was the greatest single loss of life suffered by Maltese sailors in the war. Five other Royal Navy vessels were lost that month, claiming the lives of another sixteen Maltese seamen. To supplement its air and submarine forces, on April 11 Admiral Cunningham detached four destroyers from the Fourteenth Flotilla (Jervis, Janus, Mohawk, and Nubian) under Captain Philip Mack to Malta. In the early morning hours of April 16, this force attacked an Italian convoy of five transports (one Italian and four German) and three Italian destroyers thirty miles off Sfax. All five merchant ships were sunk, two of the escorts lost, and the remaining destroyer crippled. The British lost the Mohawk, which was hit by torpedoes of the escort, and three Maltese died when the destroyer went down. This April 16 engagement was the most serious setback suffered by the Afrika Korps during its initial transport to Libya. Except for one ship torpedoed and sunk by Swordfish from 830 Squadron, the only other losses inflicted on the Libyan traffic from the beginning of January to the end of April 1941 were ten ships totaling 27,168 tons sunk by British submarines.15 Britain was still trying to make the most of its naval superiority. This could not prevent the surrender of the Greek Army, but it could sustain Tobruk. The beleaguered British garrison would have fallen if not for British seapower delivering 400 tons of supplies daily. During the 242 days of siege, the fortress was provisioned and 34,000 men landed there, as well as wounded being evacuated. Twenty-five small warships and seven merchant ships were lost in support of Tobruk. 16 Holding on to Tobruk tied down considerable German forces. It also placed a burden on Rommel's lines of communication, since his supplies had to be brought all the way from Benghasi and Tripoli, which lay far behind the front. While Tobruk

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remained in British hands, Rommel was unable to continue his push toward Alexandria and the Suez Canal. 17 The intensive bombing of Malta continued, prompting Minister of Propaganda Josef Goebbels on May 5 to note in his diary: "Malta heavily bombed. There cannot be much left there, either." 18 This was the eighteenth entry in his diary noting the bombing of Malta since February 10, 1941. From the beginning of the Illustrious Blitz to the end of May, Malta sustained 459 raids, an average of 92 a month, compared to the 21a month in the previous five-month period. During this period, the Axis aircraft available for action averaged 287 warplanes, two-thirds of these being German. 19 The Maltese situation, plus the reverses in Greece and North Africa, led to speculation of whether it would be possible for Britain to lose in the Mediterranean and still win the war. The prime minister refused to even consider the possibility. In a speech to the House of Commons on the war situation on May 7,1941, Churchill exclaimed, "The loss of the Nile Valley and the Suez Canal and the loss of our position in the Mediterranean, as well as the loss of Malta, would be among the heaviest blows which we could sustain." Rather than contemplate the loss of these positions, Churchill stated that he was determined devote the entire resources of the British Empire to hold on to them. 20 But something had to be done, and quickly. On April 20, General Wavell reported to the Chiefs of Staff that a new German panzer division had been identified in North Africa. His Army of the Nile could not withstand such a force in its current condition and was in urgent need of tank reinforcements. These were required as soon as possible and there was no time for the safe route around the Cape. The Admiralty was reluctant to send a convoy through the central Mediterranean, but Churchill was adamant, declaring that the very fate of the war in the Middle East, including the safety of the Suez Canal and the Army of the Nile, "all may turn on a few hundred armoured vehicles."21 So Operation Tiger, the reinforcement of the Army of the Nile through the central Mediterranean, was quickly put into action, even though the navy was still in the process of completing the evacuation of British troops from Greece. Malta figured prominently in this operation. First, Cunningham took advantage of the operation to get two convoys to Malta, a slow one of two tankers with fuel oil and a fast one of four supply ships, as well as the fast blockade runner HMS Breconshire, with fuel oil and munitions. 22 Malta would also provide air cover. Fifteen Beaufighters of 252 Squadron were sent from England to Malta to provide long-range fighter protection to the convoys.23 On May 6, 1941, Force H under Somerville (three battleships, one carrier, and escorts) sailed from Gibraltar escorting a fast convoy of five large freighters carrying vital war supplies, including 300 new tanks and 180

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self-propelled guns. The plan was to cover the convoy up to the Sicilian Channel, after which it would be escorted by Cunningham's Mediterranean Fleet, with three battleships and a carrier, who would then take it the rest of the way to Alexandria.24 From the airfields of the unsinkable aircraft carrier of Malta, fighters covered the Gibraltar convoy on the ninth when it rendezvoused with the Mediterranean Fleet, which escorted it back to Alexandria. Only one vessel, the Empire Song, was lost due to mines. The remaining vessels made it in behind the sweeper Gloxinia, whose magnetic sweep detonated almost a dozen mines. By May 12 the operation was over and, in addition to reinforcing Malta, Operation Tiger had gotten 238 tanks and forty-three crated Hurricanes to the British army. 25 Meanwhile, the Royal Navy also succeeded in evacuating British forces from Greece and reinforcing Crete with 16,000 troops. Operation Tiger averted disaster in North Africa, but Britain had just barely survived this crisis before another confronted it. On May 20, the Germans landed on Crete. Rather than a combined services operation, the invasion of the large island was an almost exclusively Luftwaffe effort, with heavy items such as tanks and artillery being landed by sea. This operation, code-named Operation Mercury, was planned by General Kurt Student, commander of Fliegerkorps XI (airborne troops). Air support was provided by Fliegerkorps VIII with 716 combat aircraft, plus additional forces from Fliegerkorps X. Fliegerkorps XI provided 500 transport aircraft and 72 gliders. The conquest of Crete came at a terrible cost for the Germans, who suffered more than 6,000 casualties among their elite parachute forces in ten days of fighting.26 The Royal Navy suffered terribly as well in the defense and evacuation of Crete. The area between Crete and North African coast was dubbed "Bomb Alley," but Cunningham refused to abandon the army and sent his ships into the maelstrom, saying: "It takes the Navy three years to build a ship. It would take three hundred to re-build a tradition." By June 1,18,000 men were evacuated at the cost of three cruisers and six destroyers sunk, along with two battleships, the carrier Formidable, five cruisers, and eight destroyers damaged.27 The German conquest of Crete enabled the Luftwaffe to station aircraft there, which made it much more difficult to get convoys from Alexandria to the islands. On the other hand, after the losses at Crete, the Germans would not be in favor of a solely air operation against Malta. With the end of the Crete affair, Britain's situation was truly desperate. It had lost in Greece, its ability to maneuver in the eastern Mediterranean was hampered by the loss of Crete, and in North Africa Wavell's Army of the Nile had been pushed out of Cyrenaica, with Tobruk doggedly holding out. Malta also held out, the only Allied position in the central Mediterranean, with the closest friendly port 1,000 miles in either direction. To make matters worse, Vichy forces supported the Iraqi insurgents, providing arms

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and allowing German aircraft to use Syrian airfields to fly to Iraq. The British feared a German occupation of Syria, which, with an Axis offensive against Egypt, would have been overwhelming. On May 5, 1941, Goebbels noted, "Things in Iraq are taking a very satisfactory turn. London very disturbed. Holy War declared. . . . We stoke the flames assiduously. The Arabic-language transmitters are working at full capacity." 28 The spring of 1941 had been catastrophic for Great Britain. One more big push by the Germans and the summer of 1941 could have witnessed the mortal wounding of the British Empire. At this moment, when Britain's hold over the Middle East was most vulnerable, a substantial portion of the German forces turned away, allowing Britain and Malta to recover and get back to their feet. BARBAROSSA Even while Britain, Greece, and Malta were staggering under his blows, Hitler's attention was still focused on an invasion of Russia. Like Napoleon before him, he turned to Russia after being unable to conquer England. Yet Napoleon would have been alert to the opportunities presented in the spring of 1941. Napoleon appreciated the importance of striking at England through the East and had mounted his Egyptian campaign to that end. Napoleon had also appreciated the importance of securing Malta first. Napoleon invaded Russia only after his Eastern ambitions had been thwarted by Nelson and the Maltese. Hitler's political fanaticism would not allow him to delay his crusade against Communism. As a result, there was insufficient support for the Iraqi revolt and the British restored control in May, protecting the pipeline from Kirkuk to Syria and Haifa. In June, the British attacked Vichy forces and occupied Syria. While this was happening, German air units were being withdrawn for the coming invasion of the Soviet Union. Not only was Fliegerkorps VIII transferred, but also part of Fliegerkorps X. This reduced force of 351 aircraft was spread over a large number of airfields in Greece, Crete, the Dodecanese, and Libya.29 The German air units abandoned their Sicilian airfields and the burden of maintaining pressure on Malta was left to the Italian air force. For the second half of 1941, Malta, while still suffering air attacks, enjoyed a relative respite and its renewed offensive power would be unleashed upon Rommel's supply lines. Britain took advantage of this situation to rebuild its position in the Mediterranean, including a convoy to Malta in late July. Force H escorted the seven merchant ships involved south of Sardinia and east toward Malta. The escort fended off air attacks during the day and Italian motor torpedo boats at night. In these actions, a British destroyer was sunk and the cruiser Manchester damaged by a torpedo. Of the convoy, one merchant ship

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damaged, but all seven reach Malta with their cargoes. Seven ships in ballast were escorted back without loss. Despite the shift to the Russian front, the Axis was determined to keep up the pressure on Malta. Italy, for example, decided that the July convoy that reached Malta needed to be destroyed. The Italian Navy detailed its elite Tenth Light Flotilla for the job, which had already distinguished itself with the attack on Suda Bay the previous March. The Italian force was composed of the auxiliary cruiser Diana, two motor torpedo boats (or E-boats), a carrier vessel, ten explosive motorboats, and two of the human torpedoes known as chariots. With the two E-boats as escort, the Diana carried the explosive motorboats and towed the carrier vessel upon which the two chariots were secured. The attack force, under the command of Capitano di Fregata Vittorio Moccagatta, left Augusta, Sicily, at 18:15 on Friday, July 25. The goal was to destroy the cargo ships, as well as attack the submarine base on Manoel Island. The special forces attack began on July 26 at 4:44 AM, but, unknown to them, the vigilant coastal defenses had detected their approach and quietly alerted the harbor garrison. The coastal guns at forts St. Elmo, Ricasoli, and St. Rocco were manned by the soldiers of the Royal Malta Artillery. When the attack came, the Italians were illuminated by searchlights from all directions and the Maltese gunners opened fire with everything they had. It was over in six minutes and every attacking vessel was lost. It was the worst defeat suffered by the Tenth Light Flotilla in the war, costing them fifteen dead and eighteen captured. 30 This action prompted a message of congratulations to the RMA from General Sir John Dill, Chief of the Imperial General Staff: "Please convey my congratulations to all ranks of the RMA, manning the fixed defenses, on the great success in breaking up the determined seaborne attack on the Grand Harbour. The action of the gunners has excited universal admiration here in the United Kingdom. The skill and determination shown by them will act as a strong deterrent to future enemy attack by sea." 31 The Italian battle fleet also stirred itself to action and attempted to block a September 1941 convoy to Malta, escorted by Force H, with Rodney, Nelson, Prince of Wales, Ark Royal, four cruisers, and twenty destroyers. The Italians were aware of this movement and tried to use their naval commandos to strike the first blow while the convoy still lay at Gibraltar. Weather conditions prevented the two-man torpedoes from entering the inner harbor before daylight. Instead, the pilots attached their explosive charges to a tanker and two steamships, all of which were either sunk or seriously damaged.32 lachino then sortied with the modern battleships Vittorio Veneto and Littorio, plus escorts. Air attacks scored a torpedo hit on the Nelson, reducing its speed to eighteen knots. lachino failed to intercept, however, being held back by orders not to engage the enemy unless he had a significantly

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stronger force, and then only when within range of fighter cover. At night, an Italian motor torpedo boat attack crippled the huge 17,000-ton Imperial Star, necessitating that it be sunk by the British, but the remaining eight ships reached Malta. 33 MALTA RECOVERS

These Axis efforts by air and sea in the later part of 1941 were insufficient to prevent convoys from reaching Malta. Earlier that year, between January and May, air attacks on Malta had averaged ninety-two raids a month, or approximately three a day. In June this went down to sixty-eight and in August there were only thirty raids. With the end of the all-out air effort, Malta recovered. A heavy, sustained, and round-the-clock attack could neutralize Malta, but anything less could not keep the island fortress down for long. The intensive air attack in early 1941 had limited Malta's war contribution. Its few Swordfish had sunk three ships totaling 15,796 tons and the Wellingtons of 148 Squadron launched night attacks on Italian and North African ports, but no decisive impact had been made. 4 As for the navy, Mack's destroyer flotilla was withdrawn for other duty, so for the most part the attack on the supply lines was limited to the six U-class submarines of the Malta-based Tenth Flotilla. The size and maneuverability of these submarines made them particularly effective in the prime hunting grounds of the inshore convoy route from Cape Bon to Tripoli. Leading the attack was the Upholder, under Lieutenant Commander Malcolm David Wanklyn. He left Malta for his second patrol on April 21, sinking one Italian and three German transports. Upholder's third patrol in May was off the southeastern coast of Sicily, targeting the Messina Straits traffic. It sank a tanker and, despite having lost asdic (sonar) and hydrophones to depth charges, remained on patrol. On May 24, Wanklyn sighted a convoy including four large ocean liners filled with troops and a heavy escort. With only two torpedoes remaining, he closed in and fired at pointblank range. The large liner Conte Rosso (17,879 tons), carrying 2,729 soldiers and crew, was struck. It sank quickly, taking 1,300 men down with it. Upholder was depth charged for two hours, and rocked by over forty depth charges. Upholder survived and Wanklyn received the Victoria Cross. 35 In early 1941, the offensive action had been primarily the work of submarines. By the beginning of June, with the departure of Fliegerkorps X, Malta's airfields were quickly repaired and at full operation. A squadron of Blenheim bombers began daylight operations against Axis convoys both at sea and in harbor. The Fleet Air Arm Swordfish in early 1941 were compelled to abandon daylight operations when the Axis convoys were given

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fighter escort, against which they were helpless. For a time they limited themselves to night mine-laying operations, but then in July 1941, after receiving airborne radar equipment, they resumed their attacks on shipping. The following month, the Wellington bombers returned. Malta was now equipped to attack targets day or night, in harbor or at sea.36 In August 1941, 33 percent of all German supplies sent to North Africa were lost due to British naval and air attacks originating mainly from Malta. This seriously undermined the Afrika Korps, which required a minimum of 50,000 tons a month, but which only received 32,000 in July and 28,400 in August. Thus, though Rommel had been able to defeat a British offensive (Operation Battleaxe) in the middle of June, he was incapable of going on the offensive himself, or to even trying to capture Tobruk, which still held out behind his lines.37 This success came at a price. Between April and August 1941, Malta lost five submarines-l/s&, Undaunted, Unison, P.32, and P.33. This supply situation led Count Ciano to note in his diary on September 25, 1941, "the Mediterranean situation is dark, and will become even more so on account of the continued loss of merchant ships... in responsible naval quarters they are seriously beginning to wonder whether we shouldn't give up Libya willingly, rather than wait until we are forced to do so by the total lack of freighters."38 With its air and submarine bases fully operational, Malta devastated the Axis convoys to North Africa. So many merchant ships were lost that the Italians tried to run their troops and supplies across the Mediterranean in the big, fast ocean liners. Even these vessels fell victim to British air and naval forces. The list of liners lost included the 18,000-ton Conte Rosso (May), the 11,400-ton Esperia (August), and three liners in September: Oceana, Neptune, and Oriani. The average monthly drain on shipping had been 50,000 tons until September, when it rose to 92,000 tons. Axis supplies to its North African forces were completely inadequate, whereas the British, even though compelled to use the long sea route around the Cape, were able to amass sufficient quantities of equipment and supplies to get their attack off before Rommel.39 The situation was about to get much worse for the Axis. Malta's improved security and supply situation, particularly after the successful July and September convoys, prompted the Admiralty to reestablish a squadron of surface ships at Malta. On October 21,1941, Force K was formed. Under the command of Captain W. G. Agnew, it originally included the cruisers Penelope and Aurora and the destroyers Lance and Lively. In early November, an Axis convoy of seven freighters was sent with a powerful escort. Six destroyers formed the close escort, with two heavy cruisers and four more destroyers in support. The convoy was spotted on November 8 at 4:40 PM by a Malta-based Maryland, and Force K sortied from Grand Harbour an hour later. Interception took place shortly after

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midnight. Assisted by radar, Force K closed in, but the Italians, lacking radar, sailed on unaware of its presence. Suddenly, Force K struck out of the darkness from the starboard side and, after disposing of the escorts in that quarter, tore into the convoy. In addition to not being equipped with radar, the Italian defenses were hampered by a lack of training in night fighting. Force K circled its prey until all the transports were destroyed and then sped back to Malta unscathed. In addition to the convoy, one escorting destroyer was sunk and another crippled. O n November 9, Count Ciano noted in his diary: Since September 19 we had given up trying to get convoys though to Libya; every attempt had been paid for at a high price, and the losses suffered by our merchant marine had reached such proportions as to discourage any further experiments. Tonight we tried it again; Libya needs materials, arms, fuel, more and more every day. And a convoy of seven ships left, accompanied by two 10,000 ton cruisers and ten destroyers. . . . An engagement occurred, the results of which are inexplicable. All, I mean all our ships were sunk, and one or maybe two or three destroyers.40 Between April 16 and December 1, 1941, surface ships based at Malta sank a total of seventeen merchant ships, including three tankers, for a total of 69,450 tons. 4 1 The Axis supply situation was deteriorating. In September 1 9 4 1 , 28 percent of all cargoes shipped for Libya were sunk and in October 21 percent. In November it rose to 63 percent. This had a direct impact on Rommel and the Afrika Korps, whose planned offensive to capture Tobruk had to be postponed from September to October, then to November. Before he could attack, the British land force in North Africa, renamed the Eighth Army, struck on the eighteenth of November. The Afrika Korps, weakened by supply shortages, was driven back. 4 2 Rommel was desperate for supplies, and on November 20 a convoy of four ships sailed from Naples, with an enormous escort of five cruisers and fourteen destroyers. Several smaller convoys were also sent simultaneously. The main convoy was sighted by one of Malta's Sunderlands as it emerged from the Straits of Messina the next day. RAF Wellingtons and the torpedo bombers of Malta's 828 and 830 Squadrons attacked. Submarines also moved in to attack. T w o cruisers, the Trieste and the Duke of Abruzzi, were damaged, causing the main convoy and many of the others to be recalled. One of the smaller convoys (two freighters and two torpedo boats) did not get the message. It was intercepted by Force K on November 24, which sank both merchant ships. 4 3 Out of all the ships dispatched in this widespread effort to bring supplies to the armies in Africa being pressed by the British offensive, only two got through, one to Tripoli and one to Benghazi. On the twenty-ninth the

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Italians tried again, using the same method of sending multiple small convoys on different routes, and adding a battleship to the covering force of four cruisers and nine destroyers. The outcome was no more successful. Blenheims from Malta sank an Italian merchant ship and crippled two others. On the night of December 1-2, Force K sank the auxiliary cruiser Adriatico, carrying ammunition, artillery, and supplies, and the tanker Iridio Mantovani (carrying 7,000 tons of fuel), along with an escorting destroyer. To replenish Rommel's fast-dwindling supplies, only one ship of all those that

sailed reached Benghazi on the second.44

In desperation, the Italian Navy decided to use cruisers, destroyers, and submarines to transport the supplies across to Africa. This was both a dangerous and uneconomic decision, for warships have no cargo space. Cargo stored in passages and on deck reduced a vessel's ability to fight and made it vulnerable if attacked. The 200 tons of supplies that a cruiser could carry were less than the army consumed in a single day's fighting.45 Ciano's record of woe continued on December 13, 1941: "Tonight we have lost two 5000 ton cruisers: the Barbiano and the Giussano, and also two large ships, the Del Greco and the Filzi, loaded with tanks for Libya." 46 For the whole of 1941, Italy lost 156 merchant ships (617,986 tons). 47 Meanwhile, the battle in North Africa swayed back and forth from November 18 on. Tobruk was relieved, but Rommel counterattacked and once more cut off the beleaguered garrison there. By the beginning of December, after two weeks of fighting, the Afrika Korps and its Italian allies were running out of supplies and there was no reserve of fresh troops. Rommel went back on the defensive while the British, able to bring in fresh troops and rely on ample supplies, were preparing to renew their drive.48 Without supplies or reinforcements, Rommel could no longer hold his position in Cyrenaica. He abandoned the siege of Tobruk and withdrew to El Gazala, west of Tobruk. On December 17, he was compelled to abandon this position as well and by January 12, 1942, was back on the borders of Tripolitania, having yielded all Cyrenaica to the British. On January 20,1942, Ciano wrote, "Libya. The situation is precarious. Our supplies are scarce, while the English forces are extremely well supplied. The Duce fears that it will not be possible to hold the present line." 49 Much of this bleak situation for the Axis was caused by the British submarines, which had become quite successful. Reminiscent of the days when the knights used Malta as a base for their corsairing raids, in 1941 successful submarine commanders began the practice of coming into Marsamxett Harbor flying the Jolly Roger, with white bars (torpedoes) and/ or stars (gunfire) to indicate how many vessels they had sunk. These pirate flags were each 12 x 18 inches and embroidered by Maltese nuns. 50 Malta did not act alone in this offensive. Submarines from Alexandria patrolled off Benghazi and attacked the coastal sea route. There were also frequent night raids on the North African ports by RAF bomber squadrons

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based in Egypt. But it was the combination of air and naval forces at Malta that played by far the greater part in what was the key to the whole campaign in the Mediterranean.51 SUSTAINING MALTA If Malta was to be able to continue its mission of attacking Axis convoys and impeding Rommel's efforts in North Africa, then Britain would need to fight its way through the Axis blockade and get convoys to Malta. At times these were very dangerous undertakings, and often the civilian merchant seamen were at greater risk of losing life and limb than the naval personnel. Back in January 1941, with the arrival of Fliegerkorps X, no convoys from Gibraltar had been attempted. From February to May, thirteen ships reached Grand Harbour from Alexandria, usually under the cover of fleet movements. The 100,000 tons they brought kept Malta fed, its aircraft flying, and its submarines replenished. In the summer of 1941, however, after the losses it sustained in the Greek and Cretan evacuations, the depleted Royal Navy could no longer contemplate the route through Bomb Alley between Crete and Cyrenaica. Something had to be done, and the larger submarines of the Alexandria flotilla were pressed into service as transports, which became dubbed the Magic Carpet Service. Between June and December 1941, sixteen such trips were run, a typical load being twenty-four personnel, 147 bags of mail, two tons of medical stores, sixty-two tons of aviation spirit, and forty-five tons of kerosene. These trips continued until November 1942. 52 This was never intended to be a permanent solution, and in July 1941 Operation Substance delivered six large cargo ships with much-needed food. This convoy, as noted earlier, was the target of the ill-fated attack by the Tenth Light Flotilla. Because of the risks involved, the merchant ships were loaded with a mixed cargo so that one vessel lost did not deprive the islands of a vital commodity. They were usually loaded with coal on the bottom, then ammunition and fuel in the middle, and finally food on top. Carrier operations to increase Malta's air power were also undertaken. By mid-August there were sixty-nine Hurricanes, eighteen Blenheim IVs, seventeen Wellingtons, twelve Swordfish, and seven Marylands operating from its three airfields.53 In September another squadron of Blenheims arrived, plus more Hurricanes. In October even more Hurricanes were sent, plus Squadron 828 equipped with Albacore torpedo bombers. Radarequipped Wellingtons were also delivered to assist the torpedo bombers in night attacks. When Malta was strong, Britain won the battle of supply and could drive back Rommel. When the Axis suppressed Malta, Rommel had the edge and could drive back the British. The difference between victory and defeat

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in North Africa came down to a few gallons of gasoline. Rommel was able to move only when Malta was suppressed. But for Malta to be effective, convoys were needed. In January 1942, four more freighters reached the islands, while in February a convoy of three ships was lost to Axis aircraft based at Crete. On the other hand, one fast supply ship, the Breconshire, which had sailed independently, did make it to Malta safely. The Breconshire was a converted merchant ship that could carry 5,000 tons of fuel.54 It made numerous solo trips to Malta, relying on speed and cover of darkness to get through the Axis blockade. Other such ships included the fast minelayers Manxman and Welshman, which also made several solo runs into Malta. These vessels, along with the Magic Carpet Service, sustained Malta between large convoys. AXIS REVIVAL On December 2,1941, Hitler issued Directive 38 ordering Fliegerkorps II to be transferred from the Russian front to Sicily. Together with Fliergerkorps X in the eastern Mediterranean, it would form Luftflotte 2 under the command of Field Marshal Kesselring, then in command of all German armed forces in Sicily. Kesselring's orders were "(a) to achieve air and sea mastery in the area between southern Italy and North Africa and thus ensure safe lines of communication with Libya and Cyrenaica. The suppression of Malta is particularly important in this connection, (b) to paralyse enemy traffic through the Mediterranean and to stop British supplies reaching Tobruk and Malta." 55 This redisposition of German air strength would reverse the balance of sea power in the Mediterranean and unleash upon Malta air attacks even greater than anything experienced before. Later that month, the first units of Fliegerkorps II began to arrive in Sicily. As a consequence, the Axis supply situation to North Africa began to show some improvement, although losses were still around 40 percent.56 Furthermore, the increase in supplies and German air power allowed Rommel to recover and drive the Eighth Army back again. This drive into western Cyrenaica hurt Malta because of the loss of airfields, which had partially offset the Axis air bases in Crete. From this point there would be increased difficulty in getting convoys through from Alexandria. Adolf Hitler was conscious of the need to neutralize Malta. In a January 4,1942, conversation with Sepp Dietrich and Colonel Zeitzler, Hitler stated, "If we succeed in neutralizing Malta and getting new tanks to Africa, Rommel will be able to recapture the operational initiative. . . . The only problem for us is that of forcing the passage between Sicily and Tripolitania. On their side, they have to go all round Africa."57 Later, in table talk on January 17, he said, "At Malta, our tactics consist in attacking without respite, so that the English are compelled to keep on firing without interruption."58

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The steady pounding from the air took its toll on the air defenses. The small force of Hurricanes doggedly rose from the cratered, hastily repaired runways to meet the attackers, but fewer and fewer returned to land. At the end of January, only twenty-eight serviceable aircraft remained. By February 15 there were only eleven. The RAF ground crews and soldiers of the garrison worked around the clock in the endless labor of runway repair. 59 There was Axis revival at sea as well. The Germans were actively mining the approaches to Malta. Off Valletta, the Third Motor Torpedo Boat Flotilla under Commander Friedrich Kemnade repeatedly laid mines off the harbor entrance. In combination with air-dropped mines, it proved difficult to keep up and there were losses to mines.60 Further out to sea, the naval war took a more terrible turn. Four Uboats were sent to the Mediterranean in November to join six sent the previous September. These had immediate success. On November 13, U81 (Lieutenant Friedrich Guggenberger) sank the carrier Ark Royal on its way back from ferrying Hurricanes to Malta. The Illustrious, Formidable, and Indomitable at that time were undergoing repairs, leaving Force H without a modern carrier. On November 25, the U-331 (Lieutenant Commander Hans-Diedrich von Tiesenhausen) hit the Barham with three torpedoes. The old battleship rolled over onto her beam ends and disintegrated in a tremendous blast that killed 868 of her crew, including 18 Maltese. 61 On December 18, Force K was dispatched to intercept and destroy a large Italian convoy with a strong escort off Tripoli. The task force had grown to seven ships: the cruisers Neptune, Aurora, and Penelope and the destroyers Lance, Lively, Havelock, and Kandahar. Shortly after midnight on December 19, disaster struck when Force K ran into a minefield. Confusion reigned as mines detonated against the hulls of all three cruisers. Italian cruisers, using newly developed German mines, had laid the minefield in waters deemed by the British to be too deep for these weapons. The Neptune was lost with its whole crew, save for one man. The other two cruisers were seriously damaged and the destroyer Kandahar was lost trying to save Neptune.62 Two Maltese died on the Neptune and three on the Kandahar. At the very same time as the Force K disaster, the Tenth Light Flotilla appeared again, making its greatest contribution to the Italian war effort. At 9 PM on the evening of December 18, 1941, in a position 1.3 miles from the lighthouse on the mole at Alexandria, Prince Borghese brought the submarine Scire stealthily to the surface. Three chariots, each with two rubbersuited men sitting astride them, set off toward the harbor entrance. The pilots of the three chariots, Luigi de la Penne, Antonio Marceglia, and Vincenzo Martellotta, had all participated in the successful Gibraltar expedition. Taking advantage of the net defenses being opened for returning destroyers, the pilots brought their two-man torpedoes up to their targets,

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attached the warheads to their respective targets, and made off after setting the timers. All were detected and captured, but only after accomplishing their mission. The charges detonated, crippling the battleships Valiant and Queen Elizabeth, as well as a tanker and a destroyer next to the tanker. 63 Cunningham's Mediterranean Fleet was now deprived of its only battleships and no replacements were immediately available since, after Japanese entry into the war, the battleship Prince of Wales and the battle cruiser Repulse were sunk in the Pacific on December 10. The largest vessels Cunningham now had at his disposal at Alexandria were four cruisers, while the Italians could deploy four battleships. The Tenth Light Flotilla had undone the great achievement at Taranto and keeping Malta supplied was going to become much more difficult. Fortunately, enough of the "Taranto effect" remained that the Italians continued to keep their heavy naval units based at distant Naples and Genoa. The intensive Fliegerkorps II raids, often involving 400 aircraft between December 30 and January 5, eroded Malta's air power. Furthermore, with Force K reduced to one light cruiser and three destroyers, Malta's striking power had been greatly weakened. This, coupled with the raid on Alexandria on December 19, greatly improved the Axis ability to support Rommel. On January 5, a large convoy with much fuel, plus fifty-four tanks and crews, reached Tripoli. 64 During the second half of 1941, the Italo-German supply convoys in the Mediterranean had lost an average of 60,000 tons of shipping every month. In January 1942, this improved to 40,000 tons, and by July losses were reduced to 15,000 tons. 65 The improved situation gave Rommel a local superiority in tank strength. His attack that began on January 21 far exceeded his expectations, and the overextended Eighth Army was soon in full retreat. Benghazi was retaken by the Axis forces on January 29 and by February 6 the Eighth Army was back on the Gazala-Bir Hacheim line west of Tobruk. There the Desert Fox stopped to regroup and prepare for the next push into Egypt and on to the Suez Canal. 66 THE BOMBING OF MALTA

I Strive Continually Motto of 261 Squadron As Rommel began to prepare to renew his attack, the Axis leadership felt that this was the time to finish Malta once and for all. Rommel should stop for the time being while an all-out air attack suppressed the islands, to be followed by the actual invasion. Since December 21, Fliegerkorps II had already been subjecting Malta to an air assault far more intense than anything experienced before. In

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November 1941 there had been 93 air raids. In December it rose to 169. In January 1942 there were 262 raids, 73 of them by night. Not a single day and only eight nights passed without a raid. The number of aircraft in each raid was not large, but this began to change in March, when both the frequency of the raids and the number of aircraft involved rose to even higher levels.67 In February, Fliegerkorps II made a total of 2,497 sorties against Malta, followed by 4,927 in March. During April, Fliegerkorps X joined in and together they made 9,599 sorties. During April alone, more than 6,700 tons of bombs were dropped on Malta. 68 The Maltese suffered greatly under this hail of fire and steel. On February 15, the Regent Movie House in Valetta was destroyed, killing more than forty people. In March there were 275 air raids. Safety was difficult to find in this torrent of bombs. A public shelter in Mosta received a direct hit, causing sixty casualties. Despite the severity of the onslaught, antiaircraft ammunition was rationed, just as were food and fuel. Emmanuel Galea, who manned a Bofors gun in the RMA, lamented, "Possibly our bitterest experience was when ammunition for our guns was strictly rationed. We had strict orders not to fire below a certain elevation... and even then we could only fire about eight rounds regardless of any circumstance. We were therefore exposed to attack without the means of defending ourselves and hitting back.69 April was truly the crudest month, with 283 air raids, almost ten air raids a day. On the evening of April 7, 1942, the Royal Opera House, close to Valletta's King's Gate, was destroyed in an air raid. It was among the most beautiful buildings constructed during the British period and is the only significant cultural loss of the war that remains in ruins. Two days after the destruction of the Royal Opera House, another treasure was hit, the Church of St. Mary in Mosta, popularly known as Mosta Dome. Called the third largest dome in the world, the beautiful church at Mosta featured a dome with a diameter of 118 feet. On April 9, 1942, at about 4:40 PM, some 350 people attending a service witnessed a huge bomb plunge through the center of the dome, hit the marble floor, bounce off a wall, and then skid the entire length of the church. It not only did not explode, but no one was injured. About the same time, two other bombs fell just outside the church, also without exploding. This event is remembered to this day as the Miracle of Mosta Dome, with a replica of the bomb and photos of the damage on display for visitors to the church. While some claim that the huge dome was targeted, the Ta' Qali airfield is very close to the church and the bombs very probably had fallen either short of or beyond their intended target. In addition to airfields, the dockyard was also hit hard. All surface warships that could sail were evacuated. There remained the damaged Penelope and the destroyers Kingston and Gallant. The destroyers were sunk, but the Maltese dockyard workers fought to save the Penelope. Just as in the

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Illustrious Blitz, no sooner were its old wounds bound than new damage was inflicted. The cruiser fought gallantly for its life as well, wearing out the new gun barrels of its antiaircraft guns that were fitted shortly before the attack. Finally, with its riddled hull sprouting hundreds of wooden plugs, the Penelope slipped away on the night of April 8 for Gibraltar.70 The bombings were hard for the submarines as well. The usual practice was for them to submerge during air raids, but even this could not prevent losses. On April 1 the Pandora was sunk after delivering supplies. The P.36 was damaged beyond repair. The submerged Unbeaten was damaged and had to sail for Gibraltar for repairs. On April 4, the Greek Glaucos was sunk and the Polish Sokol was damaged and also left for Gibraltar. On April 14 it was learned that Upholder was lost with all hands on its twenty-fifth patrol. Withdrawal of the boats was proposed, but Tenth Submarine Flotilla commander Simpson opposed the idea. The submarines, he argued, were needed for offensive and defensive purposes, in the event of an invasion attempt, as well as raising morale for the Maltese. The admiral superintendent of the Malta dockyard reported on April 12 that practically no workshops were functioning other than those underground. All the docks were damaged and electric power, light, and telephones were for the most part out of service.71 It was impossible to work under such conditions. What finally decided the issue, however, were the minefields. It had become too dangerous for the submarines to operate out of Malta because of the inability to give the few remaining minesweepers the necessary fighter cover needed to keep the harbor entrances clear. The density of the minefields daily increased-between April 24 and 27, 123 moored mines with explosive floats and antisweeping obstructions were laid by the German Third Motor Torpedo Boat Flotilla. Simpson was finally forced to recommend withdrawal, which was approved on April 26, and by May 10 all the submarines had left Malta. 72 There had been 963 air raids in 1941, or about 2.6 attacks a day, almost triple the rate of 1940. Between January and May 1942, however, there were 1,302 raids, or an average of 8.6 a day. The constant air bombardment of Malta led Goebbels to note in his diary on April 5, "I now consider it necessary to let the German public know the reasons for the daily and nightly air raids on Malta. Otherwise they will get the wrong impression from the reports about them recurring in every OKW communique. We should frankly tell the German people that we aren't interested in conquering Malta, but merely in interfering as far as possible with the supply lines for North Africa." This comment was prompted by the fact that the German people used to joke about the sentence in the military communiques that recurred daily: "Malta was attacked from the air." No explanation was offered of why this little island should be absorbing so much of the Luftwaffe's attention. 73

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MALTESE SUFFERING

Throughout the bombing, people struggled on with their lives, including falling in love and getting married. Censa Bonnici, who lived in Senglea and worked in a health care clinic, married a dockyard worker in November 1941. While weddings are hectic times for any bride, she recalled later the difficulties she encountered: "There was a shortage of anything you would care to mention and it is hard to imagine the difficulties I went through before I could get a decent dress and a pair of shoes for the wedding. Anyhow on the appointed day we repaired to the vestry, which was the only part of the church that was still standing, for the wedding ceremony." An air raid siren sounded just as the service began. The congregation headed for the shelter, leaving the priest, couple, and two very brave witnesses to complete the liturgy. After the raid, everyone gathered for a meager reception of a cake, some cocoa, a bottle of vermouth, and another of rum. 74 Poor and hard as those times were, people like the Bonnicis were grateful to be spared the tragedies suffered by others. Guza Bondin was living in Zurrieq caring for her nine-month-old daughter while her husband served as a gunner in the First Coastal Regiment of the RMA stationed at Fort St. Rocco. On April 23, 1942, she was out getting a milk ration for the baby. There had been a raid earlier in the morning, but all was clear when she went on her errand. At half past five in the evening, a delayed-action bomb exploded as she passed nearby. Instinctively she pressed herself against a door and covered the baby's body with her own, but it was too late. The infant was hit in the head by a rock splinter and killed.75 Death came in many ways on Malta. In December 1941, a group of about fifteen Maltese men working for the Royal Army Ordnance Corps were in Rabat to pick up clothing from an underground storage site located at a convent. Pasquale Castillo, a young laborer of fourteen at the time, recalled that while he was in the building, a coworker named Karmenu saw a thermos on the ground. Such items were rare in the blockaded islands and he picked it up. When Karmenu opened the cap it set off the booby trap hidden inside, killing him and two others. During the spring and summer of 1942, death by starvation faced everyone on the islands. The daily ration for adult males was 14.6 ounces of food and less for women and children.76 The dockyard workers continued their hard physical labor on half of the minimum required calories.77 Everyone went hungry, both soldiers and civilians. Manuel Vella, who served as a cook in the Third Battalion of the KOMR, recalled having to dish out the scanty rations and regretted that the soldiers had to return to their duties hungry. For one of their meals, the ration was two ounces of bread and a thin slice of corned beef. He had to use a scale to be precise in measuring the ration, especially when a starving soldier would contest the amount. George Zammit from Hamrun, who served as an armorer in the

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RAF, often thinks back to this time and wonders how they ever survived the hunger and the hardship. "Today," he says, "people still can't believe it." In these times, people would try to supplement their rations by going to the black market, trading wedding rings for eggs or a fine suit of clothes for some potatoes. This added little to the diet, and even that could be of doubtful value. One man tried to purchase beef liver on the black market and paid dearly for what he thought was that item. An acquaintance who knew something about the practices of the illegal shop did not have the heart to tell him what he really purchased, but could not resist the temptation to bark quietly whenever he passed him in the street.

INVASION PLANS

On April 1,1942, Churchill informed Roosevelt that there were many rumors of an impending airborne attack on Malta. 78 The plans for the invasion of Malta, code-named Operation Hercules, had in fact been completed in February. Airborne units were to seize Zurrieq in the south and the airfields at Luqa and Hal Far.79 In addition to being important objectives in their own right, the occupation of these three points would cut the roads east to Birzebbuga on the southeast coast of Malta, located on Pretty Bay within the wide Marsaxlokk harbor. There, two Italian divisions were to be landed by the fleet. After seizing the airfields, the one German and two Italian Folgore parachute divisions would link up with the two seaborne divisions, and then move on to Grand Harbour and Valletta.80 Five divisions, four Italian and one German commanded by General Student, were to be involved in this operation, with an initial landing force of 32,000 men. The landings on the coast were to be supported by 725 launches and assault boats, 25 motorboats, 80 landing craft, and 64 small naval units. Thirteen hundred aircraft, half German and half Italian, were also to participate.81 D-Day was set for July 10,1942. For comparison purposes, Operation Hercules had 30 percent more aircraft and would face 30 percent fewer troops than the bloody but successful Crete operation. In North Africa, Rommel was to wait until after the islands' conquest before resuming his drive into Egypt. He had previously been a strong advocate for the invasion of Malta but now began to chafe at the delay imposed upon him. The Desert Fox also did not like the fact that Axis aircraft would be diverted from him to support Operation Hercules. Rommel began to press for the postponement of this operation in favor of an offensive against Egypt, claiming that a British offensive was imminent and a spoiling attack was necessary. The Italian Navy opposed this idea, pointing out that the weather conditions demanded that the assault on Malta take place before the end of July.82 Kesselring visited North Africa in the first week of April, and Rommel persuaded him that the proposed invasion of Malta should be postponed

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until after he had mounted a limited offensive to capture Tobruk. Rommel argued that his would only be a limited offensive designed to seize the port and disrupt the impending British attack, leaving ample time for the Malta operation. He wanted all available air power at his disposal for a fifteen-day period, after which they could return to their Sicilian bases for the Malta operation. The attack would only be delayed three weeks and could still be launched by the Italian Navy's deadline. Kesselring forwarded this proposal to Mussolini and Hitler, who approved the plan at their meeting at the Berghof on April 30. 83 Meanwhile, the preparations continued for Operation Hercules, also known as Operazione C-3 by the Italians. General Cavallero, commander of the Italian Army, was adamant in his support for the invasion: "I consider it absolutely essential for the future development of the war. If we take Malta, Libya will be safe. If not, the situation of the colony will always be precarious." The air force, on the other hand, did not share Cavallero's enthusiasm. Colonel Giuseppe Casero, the head of the Italian Air Bureau, believed Malta's antiaircraft and coastal defenses were too strong, and feared that most of the aircraft would be shot down before the paratroopers had a chance to jump. 84 This was more than interservice rivalry. There were doubts in the army as well. Count Ciano noted on May 31, 1942, "I had a long and interesting conversation with Carboni. At the moment he is commanding one of the assault divisions which is to participate in the Malta operation. He is decidedly against it. He is convinced that we shall have heavy losses and nothing will come of it." 85 THE GEORGE CROSS

Considering Malta's situation after the intensive March-April campaign, it would be understandable to regard the invasion as unnecessary. Field Marshal Kesselring reported to Berlin on May 10 that Malta had been completely neutralized and Rommel was able to build up for his attack on the Gazala position. His earlier January and February offensive hurt Malta convoys and helped Axis convoys. The airfields of western Cyrenaica were once again in Axis hands. This undermined the British efforts to cut the Libyan convoy route, while at the same time making it more difficult to run convoys to Malta from Alexandria.86 Convoys from Gibraltar could not be undertaken without a modern carrier, leaving only the Alexandria route, even though the RAF did not have the western airfields and Malta's fighter force was depleted. Still, Malta needed relief, and on February 14, during the dark of the moon, three fast freighters left Alexandria with a close escort of one light cruiser and eight destroyers. One merchant ship had to be diverted to Tobruk due to damage and the other two were sunk on the way. Not only did this convoy fail, but a

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week later the Italians succeeded in running a large convoy of six freighters to Rommel's aid under battleship and cruiser cover.87 Malta needed aircraft as well as supplies, and the British continued to feed small numbers of fighters to the island fortress by carrier. On March 7, 1942, Force H under Syfret with the old Argus and Eagle launched fifteen Spitfires to fly to Malta. Sixteen more were delivered on March 21 and 29. This was similar to La Valette sending reinforcements to St. Elmo in 1565. But it was not enough. Many more planes were needed if Malta was to have a chance at survival, as well as a convoy. On March 20, another convoy left Alexandria for Malta with four merchant ships, including the fast Breconshire, carrying 25,000 tons of cargo. It was escorted by three light cruisers, one antiaircraft cruiser, and ten destroyers under Admiral Vian. The convoy was spotted the next day by an Italian submarine. That night lachino with Littorio and ten destroyers left Taranto, and Rear Admiral Angelo Parona departed Messina with two heavy and one light cruisers, and four destroyers. Another squadron of light cruisers had to be kept in port because of fuel shortages. Known as the Second Battle of Sirte, Vian defiantly laid smoke screens and emerged to fire torpedoes, thus holding the Italians off until dark. 88 Thanks to Vian's skillful handling of his ships, lachino failed to intercept the convoy, but the action did delay its arrival, which had been scheduled for night. The next morning, while still out to sea, the Clan Campbell was sunk and the famous Breconshire was crippled. Unable to make Grand Harbour, it was placed in the open bay of Marsaxlokk, where the veteran of so many successful Malta runs was bombed and sunk. The other two freighters, the Pampas and Talabot, did make it to Grand Harbour, but delays in unloading the precious cargo resulted in only 5,000 tons of cargo being unloaded, a great disappointment. 89 Malta was becoming increasingly desperate for supplies and aircraft. To address the latter need, on March 31, 1942, Churchill sent the following message to President Roosevelt: Air attack on Malta is very heavy. There are now in Sicily about four hundred German and two hundred Italian fighters and bombers. Malta can only now muster twenty or thirty serviceablefighters.We keep feeding Malta with Spitfires in packets of sixteen loosed from Eagle carrier from about 600 miles west of Malta. This has worked a good many times quite well but Eagle is now laid up for a month by defects in her steering gear. . . . Would you be willing to allow your carrier Wasp to do one of these trips— With her broad lifts, capacity, and length, we estimate that Wasp could take fifty or more Spitfires.90 Code named Operation Calendar, the USS Wasp escorted by British destroyers on April 20 successfully launched fifty Spitfires to Malta. The pulverized airfields, however, were not prepared for refueling and rearming

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the planes, and the Germans pounced on them on the ground. Within three days, only seven of the Spitfires were still usable. 9 1 The last convoy had failed and now the attempt at rebuilding the air defense had failed as well. Churchill on April 2 3 , 1942, addressed the war situation in a secret session to the House of Commons. He recounted the most recent defeats at the hands of Rommel and then spoke of Malta: For now nearly two years Malta has stood against the enemy. What a thorn it has been in their side! What toll it has taken of their convoys! Can we wonder that a most strenuous effort has been made by Germany and Italy to rid themselves of this fierce, aggressive foe. . . . The terrific ordeal has been borne with exemplary fortitude by the garrison and people. Very heavy losses have been inflicted upon the enemy's air strength... every day that the air battle for Malta continues, grievous as it is to the island ... it plays its part in our general war effort and in helping our Russian allies. . . . It is too early to say how it will end. But all the time we watch with admiration and with gratitude this protracted, undaunted, heroic conflict.92 In addition to such words of praise, Britain took a dramatic step to inspire the suffering Maltese. O n April 15, King George VI awarded the entire population of Malta the George Cross, stating in his proclamation: " T o Honour her brave people I award the George Cross to the Island Fortress of Malta to bear witness to a heroism and devotion that will long be famous in history." The George Cross was created in September 1940 to acknowledge acts of heroism by civilians. A tragic turn had been taken in World War II. Because the distinction between military and civilian targets was becoming increasingly blurred, such an award had become necessary. It was equal in rank with the Victoria Cross. On May 7, 1942, the garrison and islanders received another surprise with the sudden replacement of Sir William Dobbie with Sir John Gort. Dobbie, along with his wife and daughter, left on the same plane that brought his replacement. The official reason for Dobbie's departure was poor health. While this reason would be easy to understand, given the lack of food and constant strain from the bombardment, there were some rumors that Dobbie was on the verge of surrendering the islands due to the tremendous punishment they received and that Churchill had him replaced. 9 3 Others have pointed to the fact that the island was not prepared for the March convoy and the Wasp delivery, contributing to the failure of both vital operations. Still others pointed out, in hushed tones, that Gort had been the man w h o evacuated the British Expeditionary Force from Dunkirk and perhaps he was here to lead the garrison off before surrender. Gort was an active, efficient leader who made his presence felt immediately. T w o days after his arrival, the carrier Wasp again closed within flying range of Malta. The British were able to convince the U.S. Navy to

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allow the carrier to make a second attempt to get Spitfires to Malta. Code named Operation Bowary, sixty-four fighters were flown off and sixty reached Malta. This time, the airfields were much better prepared. As soon as planes landed, fresh pilots got into the planes as they were armed and rapidly refueled. When the Germans arrived to bomb and strafe, they were met with stiff resistance. After the success of this mission, Churchill exclaimed, "Who said a wasp can't sting twice?" The effect of the new Spitfires was immediate. Efforts by the German airmen to hit the fast minelayer Welshman, which had recently arrived with Bofors antiaircraft ammunition, aircraft spares, and ammunition, were thwarted and in the fighting the Germans lost twelve aircraft for the price of three Spitfires. In May the Axis lost forty planes in combat and shot down twenty-five British. The British lost only six on the ground, compared to thirty in April.94 The spring of 1942 was grim. Rommel was about to resume his offensive in North Africa, while the Maltese were starving amid the rubble. While it cannot be discounted that the awarding of the George Cross did fill many with pride, for others it seemed a small recompense for two years of bombing and hunger. The islanders were starving, prompting someone to write graffiti in Maltese: "Instead of the George Cross, increase the bread ration!" The new Spitfires were a help, but they would need fuel to keep flying, and that required a convoy. Throughout the Mediterranean campaign, Malta had acted like a spider in British hands, casting its web of aircraft, submarines, and surface ships to strike at the Axis convoys. Now the spider had been badly wounded and its web was in tatters, allowing the Axis to build up its forces once again in North Africa for another push toward the Suez Canal. In fact, the wounds inflicted would prove mortal if Malta did not receive another convoy soon.

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Operation Pedestal You must kill the spider to be rid of the cobweb. Maltese proverb

THE AXIS AND MALTA, JUNE 1942

By the beginning of May 1942, Field Marshal Kesselring, the Luftwaffe commander in the Mediterranean, considered Malta to be totally neutralized and the Libyan convoy route made safe. His Italian colleagues were less confident. While Malta had indeed been pounded as never before, fighters and antiaircraft fire still met each attack. They believed its neutralization was only partial and temporary, and that it was necessary to continue and increase blockade operations to prevent Malta's recovery.1 Just as in 1565, when after continuous artillery bombardment the Turkish generals felt Malta must surely have been pounded down, the Axis leadership was surprised to see the garrison rise up to meet further challenges. Unlike 1565, however, while the will to resist remained, it was a real question whether the garrison and people would starve to death before the final assault came. The date for Rommel's limited offensive was set for May 26 and the invasion of Malta was scheduled for July 10. As a precaution against Rommel's opportunistic nature, it was specified that he was not to advance further than the Egyptian frontier and the offensive was to end by June 20 at the latest, after which Axis forces, particularly air units, would be turned against Malta. 2 By the time of the offensive, 11,000 tons of fuel and food had been stockpiled, enough for thirty days, which was expected to be

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sufficient for the limited offensive to capture Tobruk. The British had 800 tanks to 584 Axis vehicles, but the Axis possessed an air advantage of more than two to one, 704 to 320. 3 The Battle of Gazala began May 26 and lasted four weeks. The battle took many turns until finally, on June 18, the Eighth Army fell back after suffering heavy losses in its armored forces, leaving Tobruk surrounded once again. The British prepared for another siege to again bring Rommel's advance to a halt.4 The Desert Fox quickly shifted his forces for an attack on Tobruk, beginning with an aerial bombardment of 365 tons of bombs, delivered by 85 bombers, 21 dive-bombers, and 50 fighter bombers, along with 150 escorting fighters. Behind this terrific air assault, Tobruk's defenses gave way and the garrison surrendered June 21. This was a tremendous personal triumph for Rommel and he was rewarded with promotion to field marshal. He had achieved all his objectives. Tobruk had been captured and the Eighth Army was driven back to the Egyptian frontier. It was now time for his promised halt to be made, so that all efforts could be diverted to Malta and Operation Hercules. But Rommel, after his victory at Tobruk, saw a golden opportunity for the Axis cause. The Eighth Army had been defeated, leaving Egypt and the Suez Canal, he believed, ripe for the picking. Furthermore, among the booty captured at Tobruk had been 1,400 tons of fuel, large quantities of ammunition, 2,000 vehicles, and 5,000 tons of provisions. For once he had ample supplies to finish the job. 5 Rommel bypassed the Italian authorities at Commando Supremo and radioed the following message to the German Supreme Command: "The morale and condition of the troops, the quantity of stores captured and the present weakness of the enemy make it possible for us to thrust onwards into the heart of Egypt. Therefore request that the Duce be prevailed upon to remove the present restrictions on movement and that all troops now under my command be placed at my disposal to continue the offensive."6 Hitler agreed and on June 23 wrote to Mussolini strongly supporting Rommel's views. Mussolini went along with the change of plans and Operation Hercules was postponed until September. Rommel's triumph at Tobruk, which Churchill at the time termed a "disgrace," spared Malta from invasion that summer.7 There was no doubt relief on the part of many involved in the Hercules planning. The Germans had been leery of airborne operations after Crete. They also had concerns that the Italians would not follow through on the naval landings and leave the German paratroopers stranded. The Italian air force had reservations about the state of Malta's defenses, and the navy could not forget that the only direct attack on Malta by its elite Tenth Light Flotilla had ended in disaster. Still, when he took command of the Afrika Korps back in February 1941, Rommel had warned Berlin: "Without Malta the Axis will lose control of North Africa."8 This second delay of Operation Hercules was the greatest gamble of his career.

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VIGOROUS AND HARPOON

Meanwhile, Malta's situation was desperate. Before his departure, Governor Dobbie had sent an April 1 report detailing Malta's supply situation. There was enough aviation fuel to last until mid-August, but food, oil, and ammunition would be gone by mid-June. A convoy could not be sent in May due to an urgent need to provide escorts for a Russian convoy, PQ 16, bound for Murmansk. There could be no resupply until June and that would be cutting it very close. To improve their chances of success, the British decided to send two convoys simultaneously, from Alexandria (Operation Vigorous) and Gibraltar (Operation Harpoon). Either convoy would save Malta. The Alexandrian convoy was composed of eleven merchant ships, escorted by seven cruisers and twenty-eight destroyers, commanded by admirals Harwood and Vian.9 To assist Vigorous, a decoy convoy was sent on June 11. It succeeded in drawing air attacks but failed to make the Italian fleet sortie prematurely and use up its oil. As for the main convoy, two merchant ships and two escorts needed to return to port due to engine troubles, one of these freighters being sunk en route. Air attacks on the fourteenth sank a third freighter and damaged another. Admiral lachino sortied to intercept with Littorio, Vittorio Veneto, two heavy cruisers, two light cruisers, and twelve destroyers. The British were alerted to their presence, and the cruiser Trento was crippled by a Malta-based torpedo bomber and finished off by a submarine. lachino was still blocking the way to Malta, however, so Harwood ordered Vian to turn back at 2 AM on the fifteenth, hoping that air attacks on the Italians would compel them to return to port, allowing the convoy to reverse course and slip in. That night, as the convoy was making its turn, it was hit by an E-boat attack that damaged one cruiser and crippled a destroyer so badly it had to be sunk. During the morning of the fifteenth, British air forces attacked the Italian fleet, but this took time and, unfortunately, meant exposing the convoy itself to air attack from Axis aircraft on Crete. The cruiser Birmingham was damaged, the destroyer Airedale sunk, and another merchant ship developed engine problems. Finally the Italian fleet turned back, but by this time the convoy had become critically low on antiaircraft ammunition due to its extended stay under fire and it was deemed suicidal to make the final dash to Malta. Vian reluctantly turned back, with another raid resulting in the loss of the Nestor and the U-205 sinking the cruiser Hermione before the convoy could return to Alexandria. As they turned back on the fifteenth, they hoped Operation Harpoon would have better luck.10 Harpoon sailed from Gibraltar on June 12 with five freighters (the British Troilus, Burdwan, and Orari, the American Chant, and the Dutch Tanimbar), as well as the fast American tanker Kentucky. The heavy escort was provided by Force H: Malaya, Eagle, Argus, three cruisers, and eight destroyers. Close escort into Malta after Force H turned back was provided

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the light cruiser Cairo and thirteen destroyers. The convoy was attacked by air on the fourteenth. One freighter was sunk, and one cruiser so damaged it had to be towed back to Gibraltar by a destroyer. Also on the fourteenth, an Italian squadron of two light cruisers and five destroyers under Admiral da Zara sortied to intercept the next day. On June 15, Italian ships and aircraft sank one destroyer and three merchantmen, including the Kentucky. The remaining vessels hit mines as they neared Malta, but limped in nonetheless with 15,000 tons of supplies, along with some badly needed minesweepers for the harbor flotilla. The Welshman, sailing independently, also slipped in with an additional 5,000 tons. Thus, the result of this complex operation involving seventeen cargo vessels was only three ships and 20,000 tons of supplies. 11 While not a complete failure, Vigorous and Harpoon had failed to deliver Malta from the threat of starvation. True, Malta was saved from the prospect of surrender in June or July, but this fate would only be delayed by a couple of months if another convoy did not get through. One of the immediate consequences of the Vigorous and Harpoon operations was a cut in the food ration on June 20. The daily bread ration became fourteen ounces and a family of five was to receive four tins of corned beef and four tins of fish per month. In early August, a new ration list was issued by the Office of Food Distribution. Each civilian was to receive a daily ration of 10.5 ounces of bread, plus one-quarter ounce of rice, three-fifths of an ounce of corned beef, and three-fifths of an ounce of canned fish, a total of 11.95 ounces of food. 1 2 Deputy Governor Sir Edward Jackson reported to the Maltese after the failure of the June convoys. While Jackson was optimistic that Britain would find a way to save Malta, this communication was remarkable for its frankness. He began by saying that the supplies landed by the few ships that had gotten through were far short of what they needed. Although he refused to use the word surrender, Jackson informed the people that without another convoy, Malta was going to run out of food: Our security depends, more than anything else, on the time for which our bread will last. . . . We knew that our present rations could not be reduced and it will not be reduced. That calculation gave us a date, which I shall call the Target Date, the date to aim at. Our next task was to see how we could make our other vital necessities last to the Target Date I cannot tell you what the Target Date is, for if the enemy came to hear of it he would learn something that he would very much like to know, but 1 can tell you that it is far enough off to give very ample opportunity for fresh supplies to reach us before our present stocks run out. 13 The Target Date was September 7. As any student of Maltese history would sadly note, this was the day before the Feast of Our Lady of Victory, commemorating the victory in 1565.

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Malta was poised to fall and that would greatly alleviate Rommel's supply situation, assuring the success of his North African campaign. He would gain the Suez Canal and, with pro-German Iraqi support, the whole of the oil-rich Middle East. But he needed gasoline first in order to achieve his goal. JULY 1942

General Ritchie was relieved of command of the Eighth Army on June 25 and Auchinleck took over personal command. The British made a stand at Mersa Matruh, but Rommel won the battle there (June 26-28) and Auchinleck pulled back to the El Alamein position, with a forty-mile gap between the sea and the impassable Qattara Depression. Alexandria lay sixty miles behind him. Confident of victory, Mussolini arrived in Cyrenaica on June 29 for a triumphal march into Cairo. On July 1, three days after Matruh, Rommel struck again with all he had left at El Alamein. The fighting lasted from July 1 through 26. Rommel attacked July 1-3, while the Eighth Army counterattacked on July 2 and 5. Rommel prepared to attack again on the tenth, but Auchinleck hit first with the fresh Ninth Australian Divison on July 9. This pressure created a crisis for Rommel and prevented his planned assault. Having stopped Rommel, Auchinleck tried to defeat the Desert Fox and struck July 21-22 and again on July 26. Both attacks were repulsed. By now both sides were exhausted. The two opponents paused and a hush came over the battlefield. Both Rommel and Malta were now at the end of their tether. One or the other must fall. If Malta fell, then the stranded Rommel's supply situation would dramatically improve and his Tobruk gamble could still succeed. If a convoy could fight through, then Malta would be saved and could resume its attack on Rommel's stretched supply lines. Malta was starved for food, fuel, and ammunition. The great German general was also in a desperate situation, barely able to keep his army sustained, let alone have resources for a new attack, while the Eighth Army grew ominously in power. The entire Mediterranean campaign would be decided by the fate of the next convoy. This next convoy and Malta's survival would have consequences beyond the battlefield. The very survival of the Churchill government was also at stake. The long succession of defeats, culminating in the fall of Tobruk, led to a motion of censure being made in the House of Commons against the prime minister. The motion was made on July 1 by Sir John Wardlaw-Milne and seconded by Admiral Sir Roger Keyes. It stated that there was "no confidence in the central direction of the war." One critic stated that in 100 days Britain had lost its vast empire in the Far East. "What will happen," he asked, "in the next hundred days?" 14

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Churchill replied the next day. He began by admitting that the war situation in the Middle East and the Mediterranean was the worst it had been since the fall of France. 1 5 Churchill then argued that the Rommel offensive was only possible because of the tremendous hammering of Malta during March and April by endless waves of enemy aircraft: This attack exposed the heroic garrison and inhabitants of Malta to an ordeal of extreme severity. . . . Malta had come through its fearful ordeal triumphant, and is now stronger in aircraft than ever before. But during the period when this assault was at its height, it was practically impossible for the fortress to do much to impede the reinforcements which were being sent to Tripoli and Benghazi. . . . The enemy did not get Malta, but they got a lot of stuff across to Africa.16 After his speech, the motion was rejected 4 7 5 - 2 5 . N o w the question indeed was what would the next hundred days bring? What would be the status of Malta and Britain by the coming October?

OPERATION PEDESTAL After writing the story of the heroic stand by the Maltese and the knights against the Turkish invasion, Major Whitworth Porter wrote in 1858: English hearts and English swords now protect those ramparts which formerly glistened with the ensigns of the Order of St. John; and should the occasion ever demand the sacrifice, the world will find that British blood can be poured forth like water in the defence of that rock. . . . On that day the memory of this great siege will have its due effect, and those ramparts, already watered with so much noble blood, will once again witness the deeds of heroism such as shall rival, if they cannot excel, the glories of the great struggle of 1565. 17 The time had now come to see if Porter's boast could be made good. Were the modern British capable of shouldering the same cross that the Maltese had borne with the knights back in 1565? The British people had suffered much already during the war, in particular their sailors, who would have to bear the brunt of another convoy attempt to Malta. Of the twentyone capital ships Britain possessed at the start of the war, eight had been sunk by this time. The Battle of the Atlantic was raging, losses had been heavy in the Pacific, and the fight had been hard in the Mediterranean. It must be said that, while better than other rulers, the British had abused their authority on Malta numerous times and often the relationship between the two peoples became strained. But this was all set aside in the summer of 1942 for the higher purpose of saving Malta from surrendering to Hitler and Mussolini. The British Empire summoned up all its available strength for one last effort to save the beleaguered island. It was appropriate that they

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named the effort Pedestal, for that is where Malta would be in Britain's war plans for the month of August 1942. There was only time for one more convoy before the Target Date, and it had to take place during the moonless period of August 10 and 16, so as to give the convoy its best chance of making the final dash to Malta after the heavy escort had pulled back. It was to be a massive effort, pulling together all available shipping. Rather than face air attacks from Crete and the Axisoccupied North African coast, it would be one great convoy setting out from Gibraltar and escorted by an augmented Force H. In preparation for Pedestal, the minesweepers that had come through from the Gibraltar convoy in June set to their sweeping duties under the protection of the W^sp-delivered Spitfires. The E-boats still made their minelaying runs by night, and it was a hard struggle to keep the channel to Grand Harbour open for the relief ships everyone on the islands hoped for.18 Admiral Somerville was gone, and command of Force H had been transferred to Vice-Admiral Sir Neville Syfret, who as a rear admiral under Somerville had a good deal of experience in the problems of getting a convoy to Malta. Rear-Admiral A. L. St. G. Lyster would command the carrier force and Rear-Admiral H. M. Burroughs would command Force X, the light escort to carry the convoy on the last leg. The convoy was designated WS.5.21 (these WS convoys were nicknamed Winston Specials). It was composed of thirteen freighters (Almeria Lykes, Brisbane Star, Clan Ferguson, Deucalion, Empire Hope, Dorset, Glenorchy, Melbourne Star, Port Chalmers, Rochester Castle, Santa Elisa, Waimarama, and Wairangi) and one tanker, the Ohio. With a close escort of two destroyers, this was to be a fast convoy traveling at fifteen knots. The Ohio was an American ship with a British crew, while the Santa Elisa and Almeria Lykes were American cargo carriers with American crews. Force Z, the heavy escort, would stay with the convoy until it reached the Sicilian Narrows, providing naval and air cover. It was composed of the battleships Rodney and Nelson, the carriers Victorious, Indomitable, Eagle, and Furious, three light cruisers, and fifteen destroyers. Upon reaching the Narrows, air cover would be provided by Malta and Force X would take the convoy the rest of the way with four light cruisers and eleven destroyers. The plan was to enter the Mediterranean via the Straits of Gibraltar on August 10 and deliver the convoy to Malta by August 13. These forty-one warships were to fight fourteen merchant ships through to Malta. The thirteen freighters carried over 110,000 tons of supplies: food, ammunition, and tinned aviation gas. 19 The weak link in the plan was oil. While food was Malta's most pressing need, the island could not live by bread alone. Oil, for fueling the island's power plants, bakeries, and pumping stations, was also absolutely essential. Furthermore, if Malta were to resume its attacks on Rommel's supply lines, oil would be needed to fuel the submarine and surface raiders of the Royal Navy. U-class subs required 50 tons

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of oil. Destroyers required approximately 500 tons and a Southampton-class light cruiser consumed almost 2,000 tons. On Malta, the oil reserves had fallen below 4,000 tons. 20 All cargo was evenly distributed among the ships, except, of course, in the tanker Ohio, which carried only oil and some kerosene. This meant that even if the rest of the convoy were to make it to Malta safely and the Ohio did not, then the entire effort would be in vain. In his book Besieged: The World War II Ordeal of Malta, Charles Jellison argued that it all depended on the tanker: "In a very real sense the Ohio carried the fate of Malta in its holds. Without its precious fuel, no amount of food would make much difference."21 Britain had no fast tankers available. The only tanker fast enough was the American Ohio, whose sister ship the Kentucky had been lost in the June convoys. The Ohio was a new ship, built in 1940 and owned by Texaco. The British begged for the tanker and the U.S. Maritime Commission released it. It was then taken over by the Ministry of War Transport. On July 10, the American crew was replaced by a British crew, commanded by thirtynine-year-old Captain Dudley Mason. The tanker was already armed with a five-inch gun aft and a three-inch HA gun at the bow. On July 12 this was supplemented by one 40 mm and six 20 mm antiaircraft guns. Such a large armament made the crew nervous. Twenty-four army and navy gunners were put aboard, as well as navy liaison officer Lieutenant D. Burton.22 The engine and steam pipes were also given additional protection against shock from near misses. On July 28, the Ohio was loaded with 11,000 tons of oil. 23 All the merchant vessels in the convoy were likewise heavily armed and staffed with navy liaison officers, navy signalers, and decoding operators. The Dorset, for example, was armed with six 20 mm, one 40 mm, one 4inch, and two machine guns. The convoy had been given a WS designation as part of deception, WS usually being used for convoys from Britain to Suez by way of the Cape of Good Hope. Still, there were many concerns expressed regarding security, with claims that cargo labeled "Malta" were to be seen on the public docks. Forty-two Spitfires were aboard the fleet to be flown to Malta and reinforce the fortress as it covered the convoy on the last leg of the journey, this part of the operation featuring the Furious and being code-named Bellows. Sixteen Fulmars, forty-seven Sea Hurricanes, and nine Martlets made up the air defense (seventy-eight fighters in all), with an additional forty-four torpedo bombers carried aboard. 24 Fleet air defense would be hard pressed to ward off attack, particularly as it approached Sicily. Malta would need to exert itself to bring the relief in. The air force on Malta by that time totaled 192: 100 Spitfires, 36 Beaufighters, 30 Beauforts, 3 Wellingtons, 2 Liberators, 2 Baltimores, 3 F.A.A. Albacores, and 16 recon planes.25 As part of the maximum effort to get the

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convoy in, the Tenth Submarine Flotilla returned to Malta in late July with nine submarines. Eight were positioned to attack surface ships sailing against the convoy, with six patrolling around Pantelleria and the other two north of Sicily.26 The Germans were aware that something was up. German naval commander in chief, Mediterranean, Admiral Weichold, received an intelligence report in late July that advised: "A large scale Allied operation was about to break into the Mediterranean. Large merchant ships and fleet units were fetched from far and wide in preparations." 27 The Italians had 314 aircraft available to attack the convoy: 167 bombers, 127 fighters, and 20 recon aircraft, 174 of which were based in Sardinia and 140 in Sicily. The Germans deployed all 223 of their aircraft on Sicily: 14 recon planes, 162 bombers, and 47 fighters.28 A total of 537 Axis aircraft (174 in Sardinia and 363 in Sicily) faced 192 aircraft on Malta and 164 with the convoy, for a total of 356 British planes. Regarding the Italian Navy, the June convoys had depleted its oil supply so much that the battleship force would not participate in the coming convoy battle. Instead, the Italians would rely on submarines, cruisers, destroyers, and motor torpedo boats. Eighteen Italian and three German submarines were deployed. Eleven of these were stationed in the Narrows and six between Algiers and the Balearics. German and Italian motor torpedo boats were also stationed in the Narrows. 29 THE SANTA MARIJA CONVOY On Sunday, August 2, Operation Pedestal departed England. As the convoy moved south through the Bay of Biscay, the crews were informed of their destination. The following day one of the gunners on the Ohio wrote a note to his wife: "Each night in my prayers I ask that all ships may reach their goal to relieve Malta, which without doubt is the most distressed place in the world." 30 At sea, there were submarine alarms and practice antiaircraft firing. Back on Malta, on Thursday, August 6, the Catholic islanders began a novena in preparation for the Feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary into Heaven. The novena was ordered by the archbishop of Malta and would last from August 6 through 14, with the Feast of the Assumption on August 15. Unlike an octave, which is festive, a novena is used for special intercessions. In particular, the archbishop requested that the people in their prayers should ask that "God the merciful may shorten the time of this scourge and grant us His Help." Children were also instructed to receive Holy Communion and all the faithful to do the same on the Assumption.31 People could not help but notice the special preparations being made to receive any ships that got through and prayed extra hard for deliverance.

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At 2 AM on Monday, August 10, the convoy passed the Straits of Gibraltar into the Mediterranean Sea. Before they sailed, each captain had been handed an envelope marked " N o t to be opened until 08:00/10th August." It was a letter from the First Lord of the Admiralty, Mr. A. V. Alexander. As they were about to begin this vital operation, he wrote, [T]he 1 st Sea Lord and I are anxious that you should know how grateful the Board of Admiralty are to you for undertaking this difficult task. Malta has for some time been in great danger. It is imperative that she should be kept supplied. These are her critical months and we cannot fail her. She has stood up to the most violent attack from the air that has ever been made; and now she needs our help in continuing the battle. Her courage is worthy of yours. 32 Also on the tenth, a diversion sailed from Alexandria. This decoy included five cruisers, fifteen destroyers, and five merchant ships. On Tuesday, August 1 1 , Malta's director of agriculture was authorized to begin arrangements for slaughtering all remaining livestock. Horses only were to be exempted, possibly to leave some means of transportation to facilitate the surrender if the convoy failed. 33 Meanwhile, at sea, the Italian submarine Uarsciek detected the convoy early that morning. German reconnaissance planes reported its location, size, course, and speed at 10:10 AM. At 12:29, the Furious began Operation Bellows, the air ferrying operation. Less than an hour later, at 1:15 PM H M S Eagle was hit by four torpedoes on the port side. The old carrier quickly developed a severe list and sank in seven minutes. It was attacked by U-73 (Lieutenant Helmut Rosenbaum), a type VII B U-Boat. Louis Camilleri of Cospicua recalled: I was sitting with a member of my staff, an Englishman, when we felt a shudder closely followed by a second. We thought it was a depth charge. My companion was about to move away when we realized the carrier was listing and would founder in a matter of minutes. The word soon went around: "Abandon ship. Every man to himself.".. .1 slid along the side of the hull and found myself floating in the water. 34 Not only was the carrier lost with 231 killed, but the fleet also lost 20 percent of its fighter defense and was now down to sixty planes. 3 5 The Eagle had made nine ferrying trips to Malta delivering 183 fighters.36 At dusk on August 11, Vian's diversionary force turned back for Alexandria. Far to the west, the Furious, having completed Operation Bellows, was returning to Gibraltar. En route, one of its escorts rammed and sank the Italian sub Dagabur on the night of August 11-12. The Furious's mission was to pick up another twenty-three Spitfires for Malta and fly them off on August 17. That same night, two Italian light cruisers and two destroyers were sighted. This was Admiral da Zara's Seventh Cruiser Division, and it was moving to

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rendezvous with other cruiser squadrons. The Italian plan was for a total of three heavy cruisers, three light cruisers, and eleven destroyers to attack at dawn on August 13 south of Pantellaria after air attacks on August 12. To do so, it would need air cover, which would be available from nearby Sicily. The next day, Wednesday, August 12, Count Ciano wrote, "The aeronaval battle is in progress. . . . The Germans have announced the sinking of the English airplane carrier Eagle. . . . By tomorrow at dawn a naval engagement is expected." 37 There were numerous submarine alarms and air raids throughout the day. The freighter Deucalion on the port wing of the convoy was struck by one bomb and three near misses, slowing speed to eight knots. It detached from the convoy and headed south with a onedestroyer escort to try to reach Malta by skirting the Tunisian coast. The destroyer Foresight was hit and crippled by a torpedo, while the carrier Indomitable took two direct hits and three near misses from German Stukas. Twelve of its fighters were able to land on the Victorious, but one had to ditch. The fighting was desperate, with the destroyer Ithuriel ramming and sinking the Italian submarine Cobalto. As Malta awaited the convoy, its recon aircraft reported sighting two more Italian cruiser squadrons putting to sea. Malta's bombers also hit nearby Italian airfields to assist the convoy. But it was the threat of Maltabased aircraft that would have greater influence. In his history of Operation Pedestal, Peter Smith noted, "[T]he Italian Supreme Command had by this time convinced itself that the potential air strike capacity of Malta was so overwhelming as to prevent their big ships operating at all to the south of Sicily without massive fighter protection." He furthermore stated that the Italians believed Malta's air power was stronger than at the time of the June convoys.38 At 7 PM, the cruiser forces under da Zara linked up, which was reported by a Malta-based Maryland at 7:18 PM. That evening, according to plan, the big ships turned back. At 7:46 PM, Force X and the convoy began the necessary maneuvers to go from four columns to two. As this was taking place, the Italian submarine Axum (Lieutenant Renato Ferrini) struck at 7:55 PM and hit the flagship Nigeria, the cruiser Cairo, and the Ohio. The Nigeria was crippled by one torpedo and Admiral Burroughs had to transfer his flag to the destroyer Ashanti, sending the cruiser back to Gibraltar with a two-destroyer escort. The Cairo was hit by two torpedoes, and was in much worse shape with her screws blown off. The crew was taken off and the vessel sunk. The all-important Ohio was hit amidships by one torpedo and set afire. Water flooding in actually helped with fire control, and the flames were brought under control by 8:15 PM. Admiral Syfret was informed of these losses, and he detached a light cruiser and two destroyers to reinforce Force X. The convoy was putting itself together after this submarine attack, as the light was fading and the ships were silhouetted against the sunset. It

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was at that time, at 8:25 PM, that the last air raid of the day hit. The convoy was ill prepared to receive it. Not only was it dispersed from the submarine attack, but the only two ships with fighter direction equipment and personnel, the Nigeria and Cairo, had been torpedoed. Force X was unable to vector the fighter defense in, and the convoy was left without an effective fighter defense during the attack. The Empire Hope was sunk and the crippled Deucalion was finished off by an aerial torpedo. The Clan Ferguson was hit where ammunition had been loaded and the ship disintegrated in one horrific blast. Furthermore, the Brisbane Star took a torpedo in the bow, opening it up to the sea and causing flooding. The crippled freighter could only make eight knots and her master, Captain Frederick Neville Riley, detached the ship from the convoy and headed south toward the Tunisian coast. The remaining nine ships, including the damaged Ohio, pressed on and entered the Skerki Channel off Cape Bon. There the convoy was attacked by the Italian submarine Alagi (Lieutenant Sergio Puccini), which hit Kenya with one torpedo. The damaged cruiser stayed with the convoy and they all continued into the Narrows. Shortly after midnight, the warships detected several small blips on their radar. The first round of E-boat attacks on the leading ships was repulsed by the escort. Later squadrons moved down along the column to hit isolated ships. The whole area was illuminated by the powerful beams of lighthouses at Cape Bon and Keliba. In the E-boat attacks, the cruiser Manchester and the freighter Glenorchy were sunk, while the Wairangi, Almeria Sykes, and Santa Elisa were crippled. THURSDAY, AUGUST 13

By dawn, only seven of the original fourteen merchant ships were still moving toward Malta, two with serious damage (the Brisbane Star and the vital Ohio). As for the other half, four had been sunk and the Wairangi, Almeria Sykes, and Santa Elisa were all dead in the water. The crippled destroyer Foresight was also sunk. At this time, the Italian cruiser force should have appeared to deliver the coup de grace with the Sicilian-based air units. But it never happened. The Italian cruisers did not want to attack without air cover, and the Germans would not give them any, preferring to save all aircraft for their own attack on the ships. The matter was referred to Mussolini. The German Naval Diary recorded on August 13 that, as suspected, Mussolini decided against the participation of the Italian cruisers in the operation and they were ordered to return to port. 39 If the Italian ships had not withdrawn, all the British had to meet them were two light cruisers (one damaged) and seven destroyers. Not only were the Italian sailors prevented from dealing what could have been

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Pedestal's death blow, but a Malta-based submarine, the Unbroken, torpedoed and damaged the heavy cruiser Bolzano and the light cruiser Attendolo. The Germans wanted to stake everything on air power, and this was unleashed on the convoy. By 6 AM, air attacks finished off the Santa Elisa. As for the Wairangi and Almeria Sykes, these had been abandoned and succumbed to their wounds, sinking. The convoy was now 200 miles west of Malta, but still having trouble establishing fighter control. An 8 AM attack hit the Waimarama with four bombs close together. The vessel exploded in such a fireball that a second Ju88 flying behind the attacking aircraft was destroyed in the explosion. Eighty-seven were killed, with thirty-three survivors.40 The Melbourne Star was sailing astern the doomed ship and was showered with flaming debris. It steamed through the inferno, its own paintwork catching fire. The Ohio had to turn to avoid the flames that would ignite its own damaged holds. Its deck cargo of kerosene caught fire, a crisis the crew responded to with vigor and doused in time. Next came an attack by Stukas. One near miss by the Ohio's bow flooded some tanks, and part of one dive-bomber crashed onto the ship. The Dorset was also hit and crippled in this raid. Another raid, this time with Ju88s, resulted in a second plane crashing into the Ohio. The shock blew out the boiler fires and the ship came to a stop. Meanwhile, the Rochester Castle was lifted out of the water by multiple near misses. Its steering was damaged, the engines needed to be restarted, and it took on 4,000 tons of water, but the crew got the ship going.41 As for the Dorset and Ohio, Burroughs left the destroyers Bramham and Penn to stand by them while he moved the rest of the ships on to Malta. By the afternoon of the thirteenth, the only portion of the convoy maintaining cohesion was reduced to three merchant ships. Under the protection of Maltese air and naval forces, the Port Chalmers, Rochester Castle, and Melbourne Star reached Malta. The Port Chalmers passed the breakwater and entered Grand Harbour at 6:18 PM, followed by the Melbourne Star and Rochester Castle. They were greeted by cheering crowds and bands. Their initial joy subsided after the three scarred vessels passed by and no other vessels were visible. What of the other ships? As for the Brisbane Star, she was limping along the Tunisian coast that evening, shadowed by a submarine of unknown nationality. The ship was safe in Vichy territorial waters, but then Vichy authorities appeared in a patrol boat and announced that the vessel was to be interned. Captain Riley invited two of the French officers aboard. He opened up his liquor cabinet and poured on both the whiskey and the charm, and was able to persuade them not to intern his ship and crew. 42 After the Vichy officers left the ship, Riley waited until dark and then broke for Grand Harbour. Two other crippled ships were also still trying to make for Malta. The burning Dorset had been abandoned, but it did not appear to be in danger of

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sinking and the captain reboarded to see if it would be possible to tow. The fires were too widespread and the heat too intense, however, so the plan was abandoned. It then became moot when further air attacks scored two more hits and the good ship with its cargo sank at 8 PM. It seemed that the Ohio would share Dorset's fate. It was stopped with a five-degree list. Its engines were restarted and it was able to get up to sixteen knots, but a new air attack scored numerous near misses that shattered electrical fuel pumps, and the ship came to a stop again. 43 Chief Engineer Wyld reported that the engines were finished. Knowing that everything must be tried to bring the vital tanker in, the 1,540 ton destroyer Penn attempted to pull all 30,000 deadweight tons of tanker. The tanker's torn hull frustrated this job, the rent in its side turning it to port, away from the struggling destroyer. Yet another air attack resulted in another near miss amidships under the keel, opening the rent wider and threatening to split the ship in two. Captain Mason finally admitted that the job was impossible for the Penn and at 2:15 in the morning ordered the exhausted crew to abandon ship. Once aboard the Penn, they immediately fell asleep. FRIDAY, AUGUST 14

The resourceful Riley and his ship survived the night and with an umbrella of Malta-based Spitfires, the Brisbane Star made its final dash for safety. The people again cheered, while staring in admiration at the ship with its torn bow, down by the head, bringing more needed supplies to the beleaguered fortress. The Brisbane Star arrived at noon on Friday, August 14. But where was the tanker? The people had been spared from immediate starvation, but the island was still starved for fuel. Where was the Ohio} Daybreak on August 14 found the tanker still afloat, yet motionless, its solitary companion unable to move it. At 5:40 AM the minesweeper Rye showed up from Malta, along with a couple of motor launches. With a second ship and some rest, the crew went back aboard. They would have to work fast, as the vessel was now drawing thirty-eight feet of water. Another tow was secured, but it was very difficult work. The Ohio was still veering away. Mason and his men got to work on the damaged rudder and set it at a starboard turn to counteract the ship's swaying to port. This did the trick, and the destroyer and minesweeper were together able to get the tanker moving again at a speed of four to five knots. 44 As they did so, a constant air cover of sixteen Malta Spitfires was maintained overhead. Then came another air attack. The Axis was determined to sink Malta's last hope, and the air defense was determined to stop them. The matter was decided by the fact that the huge ship was a sitting duck, and it received another near miss that knocked out the rudder and a direct hit that started

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a fire. Its back broken, the ship was held together now only at its keel. Mason sadly ordered the crew to abandon ship a second time. The last air raid of the day took place at 10:50 PM, this time by Italianmanned Stukas. There was yet another near miss aft with a 1,000-pound bomb, holing the stern and causing more water to pour in. The great ship was sinking. At this point, when all hope seemed lost, the exhausted sailors, in the finest tradition of the Royal Navy, rose to the occasion. They took two destroyers, the Bramham and the Ledbury, and lashed them to either side of the crippled vessel. In addition to pulling the tanker forward, the two smaller ships would also act as splints and provide buoyancy. Assisted by ships fore and aft, and with volunteers back aboard the Ohio, the sinking tanker was moved forward at a speed of two knots. By sunset, the Dingli Cliffs were sighted. All through the night they labored, the tanker now down to only two feet of freeboard amidships. The night was tense. A blip on the radar seemed to indicate a motor torpedo boat and the Coastal Defense Batteries responded with 9.2-inch fire. In a particularly hair-raising series of maneuvers, the flotilla gently nudged and pulled the unwieldy cripple through the minefields. This night also marked the end of the special Assumption novena. The Maltese had suffered so much in this war and their deliverance was slowly sinking within sight of the coast. The dead family members, the ruined churches, the lost childhood of the young, the lost peace for the elderly, were all a very heavy cross for so small a nation to bear. To this day, the devout Maltese believe that the Blessed Mother, pitying her suffering children, kept the Ohio afloat as the exhausted sailors and straining ships struggled to pull the tanker into port before it sank. SATURDAY, AUGUST 15

At 8 in the morning, on the Feast of the Assumption of Mary, the Ohio reached Grand Harbour. The crowds lining the ramparts cheered and cried. One of the crew wrote in his diary, " . . . the quays lined with cheering people and the army band playing. It was a real thrill and almost made the trip feel worthwhile." 45 The elderly still remember the day that the Ohio came in and the old men are not ashamed to speak of the tears that streamed from their eyes. From that day forward, Operation Pedestal became known on Malta as the Santa Marija Convoy, when God through the intercession of the Blessed Mother stretched forth his hand and saved Malta from defeat. The British carefully moved the Ohio to a shallow part of the harbor next to Fort Ricasoli and immediately started pumping oil from the ruined vessel. Finally, after all the damage it had suffered, the laws of physics could no longer be denied and the Ohio sank. From where it settled on the bottom,

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the British continued to pump out the tanker's vital cargo. As the oil flowed from the broken body of the Ohio, Malta came back to life. Altogether 32,000 tons of general cargo and 11,000 tons of oil had made it through, giving Malta another ten weeks' worth of supplies.46 As for the Axis forces in North Africa, their supply crisis continued. By the end of July, Rommel was down to 30 percent of his effective strength. Furthermore, by the beginning of August he was complaining that supplies only equaled consumption and no reserves could be accumulated. With the relief of Malta, his gamble had failed, and he was feeling the consequences. The Eighth Army was spent as well after all the heavy fighting, and during the month of August 1942 a stalemate existed in North Africa. But thanks to the success of Pedestal, it was a stalemate that benefited the British more than Rommel.47 Between August 1 and August 20 the German forces consumed double the supplies that were brought across the Mediterranean.48 Rommel wanted a strategic retreat to the Egyptian border to improve the supply situation, but Hitler and Mussolini disapproved. Rommel could not wait as each week his opponent got stronger. He needed to attack, and this would require 6,000 tons of fuel for his army. Commando Supremo in August sent seven ships with 10,000 tons of fuel, half for Rommel and half for the air force. Only three vessels got through, with 1,500 tons. 49 On the night of August 30-31, he launched a desperate attack, the Battle of Alam el Haifa, but it failed for lack of fuel. Now the Desert Fox could only wait while the Eighth Army grew stronger and stronger. THE TURN OF THE TIDE

Count Ciano wrote on September 2, 1942, "Rommel is halted in Egypt on account of lack of fuel. Three of our oil tankers have been sunk in two days." 50 His diary became a litany of the Axis supply woes, reporting two more ships sunk the next day, and another two the day after that. "Rommel's pause continues," he complained, "and, what is worse, the sinking of our ships continues. . . . Everything, not only fuel, is lacking. . . . Mussolini is in a black mood." 51 Churchill's mood was much more cheerful. He reported on the war situation to the House of Commons on September 8,1942. This was the first time he spoke to the House since the vote of censure nine weeks before. Operation Pedestal was at the top of his list. The period leading up to Pedestal was the most dangerous for his wartime leadership, as well as for Malta's survival, and the convoy saved both, so it was appropriate that he gave this speech on Malta's special day, the Feast of Our Lady of Victory. Since he last spoke to the House, he said, there were many important

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operations. At the top of his list was Operation Pedestal and the relief of Malta. Churchill noted that the operation cost many ships, from both the convoy and the escort, and made special reference to the loss of the Eagle. Yet, he continued, this price, although heavy, was not excessive compared to the alternative of losing the island fortress: "Malta is not only as bright a gem as shines in the King's Crown, but its effective action against the enemy's communications with Libya and Egypt is essential to the whole strategic position in the Middle East." 52 Noting his situation on the same day, Rommel's comments were, on the other hand, despondent: "[T]he supply situation had reached crisis proportions largely because the quantities sent to us had never once come up to the agreed target; during the first eight months of 1942 we had received approximately 120,000 tons—only 40% of our absolute minimum needs." 53 Malta's revival and Rommel's supply crisis led Hitler to order yet another attempt to neutralize the island by air bombardment. By early October, Kesselring's arrangements to carry out these orders were completed by transferring aircraft from North Africa, further weakening Rommel. The German air commander built up an attack force of more than 300 German and Italian bombers. These faced a Maltese air defense of hundreds of antiaircraft guns, 100 Spitfires, and 13 Beaufighters. A nine-day battle ensued, and the Axis was compelled to increase each day the proportion of fighter escorts to bombers. In one raid, fourteen bombers were escorted by ninety-eight fighters. Seventy German and Italian bombers had been shot down by October 19 for the loss of thirty Spitfires, seventeen of whose pilots were rescued.54 The attacks focused on Luqa airfield, but failed to render it unusable. During this blitz, for example, aircraft from the Fleet Air Arm torpedoed three valuable supply ships in the Sicilian Channel. Despite Kesselring's efforts, the October casualty rate of ships sunk or damaged on the Libya route rose to 40 percent. Out of 32,000 tons of supplies shipped for the Afrika Korps, only 20,000 tons arrived. Less than 4,000 tons of fuel reached North Africa. In the meantime, the Eighth Army, under its new commander General Montgomery, was building up a huge superiority in men, guns, aircraft, and supplies.55 It was by then October. The next hundred days, which Churchill's opponents had spoken of so ominously, had passed. Rather than more disasters, the days had witnessed the final turning point in the Mediterranean and North Africa. While there would still be sacrifices, these would be incurred in gaining victories, not suffering defeats. By October 23, General Montgomery was finally satisfied with preparations for the attack upon his outnumbered and underequipped opponent. At 9:40 PM, the whole of the Eighth Army artillery, nearly 1,000 guns,

opened fire, and the Battle of El Alamein began.56 In the ensuing battle,

Rommel's ability to respond to the British attack was limited by lack of fuel.

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Two more tankers were sunk bringing the vital liquid, the Proserpina on October 26 just outside of Tobruk and the Louisiana on the twenty-ninth. Unable to employ his favorite tactics of mobile armored units, Rommel was forced to utilize a static defense, which resulted in the inevitable defeat, as his force was ground down by the larger, more ponderous Montgomery. By November 5, Rommel was retreating westward. Then on November 8 came Operation Torch. Various convoys departing from American and British ports landed 70,000 troops at Casablanca, Oran, and Algiers, leading to the occupation of French Morocco, Algeria, and Tunisia in Rommel's rear, adding greater urgency to his retreat. 57 Hitler, who had not supported Rommel, ordered three German divisions, one armored and two infantry, thrown into Tunisia on November 11 in response to the threat from Torch. In November, while the British were still focusing on the Libyan supply route, the Italian Navy succeeded in getting 90,000 tons of shipping without loss to Tunisia, supplies and equipment for five divisions. The soldiers were mostly sent by air. 58 During this time, with the Cyrenaican airfields in British hands, a November 20 convoy was safely run to Malta with no losses. The siege was over. While Tunisian supplies were getting through, the stranglehold on Rommel continued. Only four ships reached Tripoli for Rommel between November 10 and 30. Some 32,000 tons of shipping were sunk and 25,000 were damaged or forced to turn back. Soon Malta's strike forces would take notice of the Tunisian route, and these ships began to suffer losses. Between January and April 1943, Axis forces were squeezed in Tunisia between American and British forces. Finally, the North African campaign ended with the surrender of 250,000 Axis troops in Tunisia on May 12, 1943. 59 On that day, churches violated the ban on bell ringing to celebrate. Malta was now becoming increasingly secure, with no more enemies to the south and convoys arriving regularly. This increased security was confirmed when on June 20, 1943, King George VI arrived in Malta for a visit aboard HMS Aurora. He stood on a special platform built on the ship's bridge, saluting the cheering crowds in Grand Harbour. As the king's visit came to a close, the lieutenant governor said to him, "You have made the people of Malta very happy today, Sir," to which the king replied, "But I have been the happiest man in Malta today!" 60 SICILY AND THE END OF THE WAR With the end of the North African campaign, Allied plans were made to take the war to Italy, and Malta figured prominently as a forward base. The Supreme Allied Commander, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, chose Malta

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as the headquarters for the first step in the Allied liberation of Europe, the invasion of Sicily. Far from lacking war materiel, Malta was now overflowing with aircraft, ships, supplies, and ammunition. It was full of troops as well. Josephine Zammit of Hamrun, who was sixteen at the time, recalled how her father's farm was covered by the tents of soldiers camping in their fields. Dockyard worker Pasquale Castillo of Marsa, then eighteen, remembered that the harbor was packed so tightly with shipping on the eve of the invasion that a person could walk from one end of Grand Harbour to the other without getting his feet wet. The next morning when he reported to work, they were all gone. D-Day in Sicily was July 10, 1943. The operation involved 3,000 ships and large landing craft, and landed 115,000 British Commonwealth and 66,000 American troops. Among these Allied troops were elements of the King's Own Malta Regiment, which used a white Maltese Cross on a red shield as its insignia.61 The Sicilian operation led to the overthrow of Mussolini on July 25 and by the end of the month there was only a pocket of resistance around Messina at the northeastern tip of the island. After the successful invasion of Sicily, Eisenhower issued a statement of congratulations to the Maltese, which was reprinted on the front page of every newspaper on August 5: The epic of Malta is symbolic of the experience of the United Nations in this war. Malta has passed successively through the stages of woeful unpreparedness, tenacious endurance, intensive preparation and the initiation of a fierce offensive. It is resolutely determined to maintain a crescendo of attack until the whole task is complete. For this inspiring example the United Nations will forever be indebted to Field Marshall Lord Gort, the fighting services under his command and to every citizen of the heroic island.62

While they were already declining, the invasion of Sicily led to a further decrease in air attacks on Malta. On August 28, 1943, the last air raid siren sounded over the islands. There had been a total of 3,342 air raid alerts. Malta was filled with shipping again for the next Allied objective, the invasion of the Italian mainland. On September 9, the Allies landed at Salerno. A good deal had happened, however, before the Salerno landings. After Mussolini's downfall, the new Italian government under Marshal Badoglio sought to sever its ties with Germany and join the Allies. On September 8, the Feast of Our Lady of Victory, the anniversary of the Turkish withdrawal from Malta, Italy announced its surrender. In accordance with the armistice conditions, the Italian fleet under its new commander in chief, Admiral Carlo Bergamini, proceeded to Malta for internment. This included six battleships, eight light cruisers, thirty-one destroyers and torpedo boats, forty submarines, and 170,000 tons of merchant shipping.63 On the arrival of these ships, Admiral Sir Andrew Cunningham notified the British

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Admiralty, saying "Be pleased to inform their Lordships that the Italian Battle Fleet now lies at anchor under the guns of the Fortress of Malta." On September 28, Italian Prime Minister Badoglio signed the Italian surrender document on HMS Nelson in Grand Harbour. The following month, the Tenth Submarine Flotilla left Malta for good and was disbanded in September 1944. The surrender of the Italian fleet in Grand Harbour signified for the Maltese that the days of hunger and bombardment were finally over. For the Italian sailors it was a bittersweet moment, a surrender, but at least now there would not be any more battles with Malta convoys. But while the Italian ships were en route to Malta, they were attacked by German aircraft, and the battleship Roma was sunk by a remote-controlled glider bomb, killing Admiral Bergamini and much of the crew. Such weapons also damaged the Warspite and the American cruiser Savannah, which were both towed to Malta for repairs. While the Maltese suffering was ending, that of the Italians would continue as they endured the Nazi occupation the Maltese had avoided. Happier days had arrived, and Malta began to receive more distinguished visitors who came to witness the damage and praise both garrison and civilians. Churchill visited Malta on November 19, 1943. President Roosevelt arrived a month later. On December 8, he spoke to a huge crowd at the Luqa airfield. There he presented to the Maltese people a citation that he had signed and dated December 7, 1943: In the name of the people of the United States of America I salute the Island of Malta, its people and defenders, who, in the cause of freedom and justice and decency throughout the world, have rendered valorous service far above and beyond the call of duty. Under repeated fire from the skies, Malta stood alone but unafraid in the center of the sea, one tiny bright flame in the darknessa beacon of hope for the clearer days which have come. Malta's bright story of human fortitude and courage will be read by posterity with wonder and with gratitude through all the ages. What was done in this island maintains the highest traditions of gallant men and women who from the beginning of time have lived and died to preserve civilization for all mankind.64 On January 4, 1945, Churchill proposed a two- or three-day top-level conference with Roosevelt at Malta to coordinate the military and political policies of the two nations before the crucial Yalta Conference being held with Stalin. Churchill had high hopes for the Malta Conference, code named Cricket, saying, "No more let us falter. From Malta to Yalta. Let nobody alter." 65 Roosevelt agreed to meet at Malta, but refused to make it the top-level pre-Yalta planning conference that Churchill had wanted. On January 22, 1945, Roosevelt left Norfolk, Virginia, on the cruiser Quincy and arrived at

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Table 11.1 Year

1940 1941 1942 1943

Italian Merchant Ship Losses Ships

45 156 138 226

Tons

161,423 617,986 480,652 758,555 (to Sept. 8)

Source: Bargadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 365.

Malta on Feburary 2. Rather than the three days Churchill had hoped for, he stayed only a day and avoided any substantive political discussions. British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden was disappointed, saying, "We are going into a decisive conference and had so far neither agreed what we should discuss nor how to handle matters with a bear who would certainly know his mind." 66 While political matters were left to be discussed with Stalin, military issues were addressed. The Combined Chiefs of Staff had already been in Malta for several days discussing operations in Europe, the Mediterranean, and the Pacific before Roosevelt's arrival. On January 30, during the staff meetings on Malta, the United States had proposed sending old, pilotless bombers with 20,000 pounds of high explosives against large industrial targets in Germany, timed to crash and explode. The British were opposed for fear of retaliation by the Luftwaffe against London. 67 MALTA'S SIGNIFICANCE IN WORLD WAR II

Malta's major contribution to the Second World War was in depriving the Axis forces in North Africa of supplies so that even as great a general as Erwin Rommel was denied victory. This can be seen by the state of the Italian merchant marine in World War II. At the beginning of the war, Italy had 604 merchant ships of 500 tons or more available, for a total of 1,952,953 tons of shipping.68 During the war it built or recovered 84 (415,742 tons) and captured or purchased 126 (428,742 tons). Furthermore, the Germans built or captured 124 ships (378,784 tons) that were at the disposal of Italy but under the German flag. Therefore, a total of 938 merchant ships of 3,177,433 tons were available for the Mediterranean campaign. Of these, 565 ships of 2,018,616 tons were lost, with another 101 of 410,239 tons undergoing repairs at time of armistice,69 for a total of 76.4 percent of shipping lost. The Tenth Submarine Flotilla itself accounted for

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648,629 tons of enemy shipping and damaging another 400,480 tons. On the Libyan route alone, 17,204 men and 315,426 tons of cargo were lost.71 In addition to a series of convoy battles and naval engagements, the Malta campaign was also a great air battle. There were 26,000 Axis sorties against Malta. The British lost 547 fighters in defense of Malta, with 160 more destroyed on the ground, for a total of 707 aircraft lost. The RAF shot down 1,252 Axis aircraft and the gunners destroyed another 241, for a total of 1,493 destroyed, making a ratio of 2.11:1. Finally, Malta contributed to the Allied war effort as a forward base. Its reconnaissance aircraft provided invaluable information in support of numerous operations and, beginning in Sicily, it supported the Allied counteroffensive in Europe. Both German and Italian historians agree on the significance of Malta and its role in Allied victory. Vice-Admiral Friedrich Ruge in his book Seekrieg stated, In the fight for North Africa, Malta played a decisive role as a base for the R.A.F., submarines, and light naval forces. . . . The island was effective not only because of the actual results obtained by its bombers and torpedo bombers... but mainly because of that archenemy of the Axis convoys, the British submarines. Up to September 1943, these sank a total of 776,000 tons of Axis shipping; in the same period the Royal Air Force sank 396,000 tons at sea and another 378,000 tons in harbors. . . . Ships and planes operating from Malta can probably be credited with responsibility for two-thirds of all these losses. For the sake of comparison it may be mentioned that British surface ships caused the loss of 123,000 tons, and mines another 147,000 tons, while 149,000 tons of Axis shipping were lost through all other causes. . . . Time and again the island's striking forces caused shortages in fuel, ammunition, weapons, and equipment at a critical stage of the Axis operations in Africa.72 Marc' Antonio Bragadin, in his book The Italian Navy in World War II, exclaimed, "Looking back, one can only think that it would have been worthwhile to have paid any price necessary to occupy the island at the beginning of the war. As the chain of events unwound, Malta proved to be without a doubt the principal factor in the Allied victory in the Mediterranean—on land, at sea, and in the air." 73 While Bragadin believed it would have been best to invade Malta in June 1940, it should definitely have been invaded in the summer of 1942 and not postponed for the Gazala operation: "The decision to postpone the assault on Malta constituted the most serious-and certainly the most fatalItalo-German error of the whole Mediterranean war. It certainly marked the beginning of the downward path of Axis fortunes in the Mediterranean." 74

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12

Modern Malta Confirm us all, in unity and peace! "L-Innu Malti," the Maltese national anthem

THE COST The actual George Cross medal was delivered by Lord Gort to Chief Justice Borg in a ceremony in Valletta on September 13,1942, and the Maltese flag was soon changed to include the depiction of the George Cross in the upper left corner of the white field. The medal came at a high price. In all, 554 Maltese were killed in the various branches of the armed forces, as well as the merchant marine, and 1,581 civilians were killed in the air raids.1 Tragic as these losses were, it must be remembered that approximately 16,000 tons of bombs were dropped on the Maltese Islands. This amounted to 132 tons per square mile or approximately ten tons per Maltese fatality. While the vast majority of Maltese killed were on the home islands, Maltese servicemen died as far away as the North Atlantic on the Glorious and the Pacific on the cruiser Cornwall. According to the 1931 census, there were 70,611 buildings in Malta and another 9,241 in Gozo.2 The bombings destroyed 15,500 buildings, including 70 churches, 18 monasteries and convents, 22 schools, and 6 auberges.3 Furthermore, 23 ships were sunk in Grand Harbour and the wreckage had to be removed. This included 5 destroyers, 4 submarines, and 7 cargo ships, among them being the Ohio. There was also much surplus war materiel to dispose of. One of these was minesweeper J-826, which was built

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in 1942 and after the war was used as a ferry between Malta and Gozo. In 1950 it was purchased by the soon-to-be-famous French explorer Jacques Cousteau. He renamed the vessel Calypso, in honor of Gozo's mythological connection to the nymph who held Odysseus captive there for ten years. The United Kingdom dedicated 30,000,000 pounds to rebuild Malta after the war. There was extensive reconstruction, so that Valletta and the Three Cities appear today much as they did before the war. 4 One notable exception has been the Royal Opera House. Its hollow shell, still surrounded by the remnants of its classic columns, is easily visible when passing the main gate into Valletta. The survivors of the war also bear witness to the struggle, but each year their numbers diminish. In 2002, approximately 200 survivors of Operation Pedestal were located and many gathered in Malta for a sixtieth anniversary reunion, ranging in age from seventy-six to ninety-seven. Not all could attend, however, mostly due to health problems, and others because of the wounds they continue to carry from the war. According to the organizer of the reunion, Simon Cusens, one veteran of the Ohio never recovered from his experiences on the tanker. Having attempted suicide three times, he has been in and out of psychiatric institutions.5 POSTWAR MALTA

In the 1950s, the Mediterranean Fleet stationed at Malta amounted to a carrier, three cruisers, two destroyer squadrons, two frigate squadrons, and two minesweeping flotillas. The great battleships, however, were gone forever.6 On July 26, 1956, Egyptian leader Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal. Malta played an important role as a base during the ensuing Suez Crisis. Over 100 warships and transports of the Anglo-French forces were gathered in Grand Harbour to reoccupy the canal. Malta-based bombers also attacked Egyptian airfields.7 By the early 1960s, the British Mediterranean Fleet was reduced to a destroyer squadron, a frigate squadron, and minesweepers. By the mid to late 1960s, it was reduced even further to just six minesweepers. In 1969, this minesweeper squadron was pulled out, and no more Royal Navy ships were stationed at Malta. 8 MALTA AND THE UNITED KINGDOM

The Nationalists came back into power with the end of the war, and the once-deported Enrico Mizzi became prime minister of Malta in 1950. There was a great deal of discussion concerning Malta's future and its relationship with Britain. While for many this meant independence, others called for union with the United Kingdom.

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In 1955, Sir Anthony Eden, prime minister of Great Britain, called for a conference to consider a closer association between Malta and the United Kingdom. A final report was published in December which stated that the Maltese people were entitled to representation in Parliament. A referendum was held in 1956 regarding a plan of union with Great Britain. While not officially opposed, the Maltese bishops issued a pastoral letter which said that whatever changes occurred, the status of the Catholic Church had to be guaranteed. The Nationalist Party, on the other hand, was opposed and called for a boycott of the vote. The vote was held on February 11 and 12. Of the 152,583 eligible voters, 67,607 cast their ballots in favor, 20,177 were against, 2,559 votes were invalid, and approximately 62,000 voters boycotted the vote.9 Talk of union with Britain disappeared and independence became the goal. Maltese nationalism now veered away from the prewar pro-Italian mentality to appreciating the cultural distinctiveness of the Maltese language and culture. Ironically, the independence movement was now following the pro-Maltese language course originally set by the British to rebuff Italian influence. The world was changing in the postwar era. Britain could no longer afford to be a great power, and this was going to affect Malta, particularly the 13,000 jobs at the dockyard. After 1945, British defense budgets were drastically cut. The Royal Navy, which had been Malta's principal employer, became a shadow of its former self. The most significant sign that times were changing was when the Malta dockyard was closed down. While strenuous efforts succeeded in getting the private Welsh firm of C.H. Bailey and Co. to take the yard over as a commercial operation, it was clear that the days of Malta as a Royal Navy base were coming to a close. This new economic reality further fueled calls for independence.10 In 1960, a commission chaired by Sir Hilary Blood was appointed by the British government to examine the political needs of Malta and make recommendations for a course of action. Known as the Blood Commission, it made two statements: first, that Malta is a Roman Catholic country whose religion must be respected; and second, that Malta should be granted independence. In October 1961, Malta was given a new system of government known as the Blood Constitution. This provided for a Legislative Assembly of fifty members, which had full powers in every area except defense and foreign affairs, which were to be shared with the British.11 On September 2, 1962, the Malta Independence Act was passed. At 11:50 PM on Sunday, September 20, the British flag was lowered in Valletta and at midnight on Monday, September 21, 1964, the Maltese flag was raised, signifying the nation's independence. Malta became a sovereign and independent state within the British Commonwealth. Britain and Malta signed a Defence Agreement that allowed the British the right to maintain military forces for another ten years in exchange for rental payments. Malta

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was to receive 5,000,000 pounds a year, three-fourths of this in cash and the rest in loans to diversify the economy and aid emigration. The Royal Army maintained two battalions in Malta, while the RAF stationed fighters at Ta Qali and some bombers at Luqa. The Royal Navy had some aircraft based at Hal Far, and initially kept one squadron of frigates and another of minesweepers in Grand Harbour. 12 At the time of independence, the First Regiment of the Royal Malta Artillery was serving in the British Army of the Rhine, and would continue to do so until 1970. Still, the end of British rule also brought an end to such distinguished units as the King's Own Malta Regiment, the Royal Malta Artillery, and the Twenty-fourth Malta Fortress Squadron, Royal Engineers. In 1970, the Maltese government assumed responsibility for these Maltese military units, which were reconstituted as the Malta Land Force. On April 19, 1973, the Malta Land Force was redesignated the Armed Forces of Malta after the acquisition of helicopters and patrol boats. THE LABOUR GOVERNMENT AND NATO

After the war, the Constitutionalist Party declined and was replaced by the Malta Labour Party. Labour won the election in 1971 on a platform of neutrality. The new government under Prime Minister Dom Mintoff renegotiated the military lease, with an agreement signed March 31,1972. This was a seven-year deal, bringing in 14,000,000 pounds per year in rent from the United Kingdom and other NATO members. Britain would also give 1,000,000 pounds in economic aid a year, with an additional 2,500,000 from the United States and Italy. While Warsaw Pact warships were not allowed to use the port facilities, in the agreement Mintoff was able to prevent Malta from being used in hostilities against Arab countries.13 After the lease renegotiation, Malta declared itself a republic within the Commonwealth in 1974, with a president replacing the queen's governor-general. Over time, as the British military presence declined, that of NATO increased during the 1960s and early 1970s. British installations were closed down or converted. The submarine base at Manoel Island became a marina. Antiaircraft batteries and other military installations reverted to farmland. NATO, on the other hand, installed one of the latest types of radar at Madlena on the northern side of the island while it established its headquarters in Floriana, flying the flags of France, Greece, Italy, Turkey, and the United States, as well as the Union Jack. Grand Harbour was soon hosting more naval vessels of the Italian, Greek, and U.S. navies than British warships during NATO exercises.14 NATO was not the only organization to make use of Malta's strategic location. In 1976, the Regional Marine Pollution Emergency Response Centre for the Mediterranean Sea was established on Manoel Island.

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The Labour government did not wish to renew the NATO lease in 1979, and Malta's long history as a military base ended. After ceremonies the previous day in Senglea, on March 31 HMS London departed Grand Harbour, taking with it the final remnants of the British forces, including Rear Admiral O. N. A. Cecil, the last Commander British Forces-Malta. After circling the islands once, the British military presence was gone for good. This was underscored on February 14, 1987, with the passage of a Labour Party constitutional amendment to that constitution which stated "that Malta is to be neutral and that no foreign military base will ever be permitted." 15 THE ARMED FORCES OF MALTA Malta has no defense ministry, so the Armed Forces of Malta (AFM) reports directly to the prime minister. The AFM is currently organized into three regiments. The First Regiment, AFM, is an infantry battalion. In addition to maintaining the security of Luqa Airport and other sensitive locations, the First Regiment also assists the Malta Police Force in antinarcotic patrols, internal security, and civil emergency protection. The Second Regiment, AFM, is a multidimensional formation, comprising air defense artillery, aviation, and naval units to contribute to Malta's territorial, maritime, and air-space integrity. The naval squadron patrols Maltese waters to guard against illegal drugs, contraband, and illegal immigrants, and to prevent illegal fishing, as well as to provide search and rescue services. It is joined in this work by the air squadron, which is currently composed of a helicopter flight and a fixed-wing flight, all based at Luqa International Airport. The Third Regiment, AFM, provides logistical support to the First and Second Regiments. This also includes engineering services and explosives ordinance disposal.16 Military expenditures in 2004 were $31.1 million, or .7 percent of GDP. 17 In addition to the regular forces, there is also the Emergency Volunteers Reserve Force (EVRF). The EVRF is intended to assist the AFM in emergencies. The force is intended to provide a backup for regular AFM soldiers when the need arises. The military culture is very different than it was when the British were in charge. Often, soldiers are from the same village with strong family ties. As a result, the Maltese officers are not as strict as the British were. Instead, a more collaborative leadership style is employed. Because of its small size, Malta relies on international cooperation for its security needs. After three months of training at home, officer cadets are sent to Sandhurst or West Point for further training. Relations with Italy today are friendly and, in the event of invasion, the AFM's mission would be to hold out until relief arrived from up north, just as in 1565.

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FROM MILITARY BASE TO PEACETIME ECONOMY

The end of the Cold War in 1989 forced many communities whose economies were dependent upon military bases to make painful adjustments. Malta had a ten-year head start in this challenge after expelling NATO in 1979, and it is an example of a post-Cold War success story. As a military base, Malta relied upon the knights, the British, and other rulers to provide jobs in manning and servicing ships. The past rulers also stimulated the economy with construction projects and through residences on the islands. The challenge to Malta was the loss of the shipping for the dockyard and the loss of spending by British and NATO personnel. In meeting this challenge, Malta lacked natural resources, its only assets being climate, location, and a hard-working, educated populace. The dockyards have been modernized and converted from military to commercial use, with yacht repair and maintenance added to the other services previously provided. Now, instead of supporting galleys, frigates, battleships, and aircraft carriers, Grand Harbour services tankers and cruise ships, although it is still struggling to make a profit.18 Tourism is a much greater success story. While there were hotels in Malta, such as the Osborne in Valletta, at independence, there was virtually no tourist industry infrastructure. New hotels, restaurants, and nightclubs were constructed. Furthermore, Luqa airfield was converted to commercial aviation use and Air Malta, the national airline, was established. Rather than relying solely on its Mediterranean climate, the islands' long and rich history was also preserved and marketed. There are numerous governmentfinanced museums on Malta and Gozo, in addition to a significant number of private or church-owned museums. Many of these are housed in historic buildings. The former Admiralty House houses the Museum of Fine Arts, while the Auberge de Provence is the locale for the Archeology Museum, and the Maritime Museum is in the large Royal Navy Bakery. The outdoor historical sites, such as St. Paul's Catacombs, the temples at Hagar Qim, Tarxien, Gigantija, and the Hypogeum, have also been developed for tourists to visit. The development of the Maltese tourist industry did not begin with Malta's end as a military base, but rather was a goal since the days leading to independence. In 1966 a modest 70,000 tourists visited Malta. 19 That grew to 138,000 tourists in 1968. By 1974 tourism reached 272,515 and in the following year crossed the significant threshold of exceeding the local population, with 334,519 visitors to the islands.20 By the beginning of the twenty-first century, 1 million tourists a year were visiting Malta. The major source of tourists has long been the United Kingdom and Germany, with increasing numbers from other parts of Europe. While growing, Malta is still not well known to American tourists, despite the fact that English is an official language alongside Maltese and is spoken throughout the islands.21

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THE BUSH-GORBACHEV SUMMIT As Malta began to find itself well on its way toward economic as well as political independence, it continued to play a role in world events. On December 2-3, 1989, it hosted a major summit meeting between President George H. W. Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev of the Soviet Union. Among the major participants were Secretary of State James Baker and the USSR's minster of foreign affairs, Edward Shevardnadze. The summit resulted in agreements to continue efforts toward weapons reduction and to jointly seek ways to end regional conflicts. Of equal importance, however, was American support of Soviet efforts at reforming their political and economic systems. On his way to Malta, Gorbachev first stopped at Rome and had a private audience with Pope John Paul II at the Vatican.22 President Bush had proposed the meeting in July 1989. He emphasized that it was not to be a full-blown summit with a structured agenda. "Ours will be to sit down in a relaxed atmosphere and engage in discussions," he said. "The extraordinary recent developments in Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, regional issues, and the various items on the US-Soviet bilateral agenda will undoubtedly receive considerable attention." 23 In his Thanksgiving Day address to the nation on November 22, Bush showed appreciation for Malta's long military history: When we meet we will be on ships at anchor in a Mediterranean Bay that has served as a sealane of commerce and conflict for more than two thousand years. . . . Its forts and watchtowers survey a sea that entombs the scuttled ships of empires lost, slave galleys, galleons, dreadnoughts, destroyers. These ships once meant to guard lasting empires, now litter the ocean floor and guard nothing more than reefs of coral. So if the millennia offer us a lesson, perhaps it is this: true security can only be found in the growing trust of free peoples. . . . It is our hope that Malta will be such a constructive act-guiding brave pilgrims on their journey to a new world of freedom.24 Bush arrived on the USS Belknap and Gorbachev on the Slava. Rather than using Grand Harbour, both cruisers were anchored to the south in Marsaxlokk. The ships were 500 yards apart and 1,000 yards from the shore. Maltese authorities had warned that there could be gales in December and had offered the Auberge de Castille, San Anton Palace, or the Verdala Palace as alternative meeting places, but these offers were rejected. Sure enough, a winter storm, not unlike that which brought St. Paul to Malta, arrived. Its 30-36 knot winds, with gusts of up to 42 knots, thwarted the original plan of the leaders shuttling between the warships. Instead, they met on the Soviet cruise liner Maxim Gorky, which was berthed in Marsaxlokk alongside the pier at the Freeport.

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There the talks were held on Saturday, December 2 and Sunday, December 3. This weekend was the first Sunday of Advent and throughout the islands the Maltese at Mass heard the reading from Isaiah: "They shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks; one nation shall not raise the sword against another, nor shall they train for war again" (Isaiah 2:4-5). Although World War II had ended forty-four years earlier, the suffering the islanders endured was not forgotten, and all hoped that the meetings would provide the peace Isaiah spoke of. Later in the afternoon, at the press conference, Kremlin spokesman Gerasimov stated, "The Cold War officially ended at 12:45 P M . " 2 5 While the dramatic tearing down of the Berlin Wall is seen as the end of the Cold War, Malta likes to claim that the Cold War ended there. In an interesting twist on Churchill's words to Roosevelt back in 1944, ex-RAF ground crewman George Zammit likes to say, "From Yalta to Malta." After seeing his guests off, the prime minister of Malta, Fenech Adami, issued a statement on December 15, 1989, to commemorate the event: It has been Malta's destiny to play a role on the stage of world history in epochs of change. The Summit between the leaders of the two superpowers, held here this month, saw the Cold War end. Forty years of confrontation and theatres of conflict have been replaced with a vista of enduring peace and understanding. The gale that brought the Apostle Paul over 1900 years ago heralded the early years of Christianity and its message of universal love and brotherly peace and it may well be that the storm that provided the backdrop to the talks between President Bush of the United States and President Gorbachev of the Soviet Union will be a harbinger of clear horizons and bright prospects for generations yet to

come. 26

MALTA IN WORLD AFFAIRS TODAY

Dr. Arvid Pardo was named Malta's first permanent representative to the UN in 1965, a position he held until 1971. During this time he also carried, simultaneously, the responsibilities of ambassador to the United States, USSR, and Canada. In 1967, Pardo made a speech to the UN General Assembly regarding the control and resource management of the world's oceans. The speech helped bring about the UN International Conference on the Law of the Sea, which further examined those questions, as well how the wealth of the oceans might be shared by all nations. As a result, Arvid Pardo has been hailed as the "father of the Law of the Sea." 27 Malta is a European nation. Its official languages are English and Maltese, with Italian still widely spoken, particularly with the influence of Italian television. The currency is called the Malta lira, even though the older folks still call it the pound. Since the Malta lira in 2004 was worth about $3 U.S.,

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it spends much more like the pound than the lira, but this will soon be a moot point as Malta joins the European Union and adopts the euro. Malta is tentatively scheduled to adopt the euro in 2008. In 1998, Malta applied for membership in the European Union. This was a divisive political issue, with the Nationalists in favor and Labour opposed. In a referendum held March 8, 2003, the matter was decided in a close vote, with 143,094 for joining the EU and 123,628 against. Malta joined the European Union on May 1, 2004. Malta will have 5 seats in the European Parliament, out of 732. It is estimated that the Nationalists will get three of these, and the Labour Party the other two. One of the requirements of membership was that the AFM establish a rapid reaction force to participate in EU humanitarian missions. Twenty cadets (eighteen men and two women) were chosen out of a field of 425 applicants and were sworn in on April 13, 2004. 28 Still, while part of Europe, Malta would like to use its strategic location as a bridge between Europe and both Africa and the Middle East. In December 2003, Malta hosted a conference called Frontiers of Chemical Sciences: Research and Education in the Middle East. Cosponsored by the American Chemical Society, the International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry, and the Royal Society of Chemistry, the five-day conference attracted six Nobel laureates and thirty-five participants from the Middle East. These scientists came from Egypt, Iran, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, the Palestinian Authority, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and the United Arab Emirates. The group voted to meet again in Malta in 2005.

MALTA: PAST, PRESENT, AND FUTURE

At the tip of Valletta is Fort St. Elmo, built by the Knights of St. John and housing the World War II Museum, where the Gladiator Faith is on display. As you exit the fort, you come upon Republic Street, the main avenue through the capital. Walking down Republic Street toward City Gate, you pass the Palace of the Grand Master, the old guard house with the inscription proclaiming Britain's 1814 acquisition of Malta, the monument to the fallen from the 1565 siege, St. John's Co-Cathedral, the converted auberge housing Malta's antiquities, and the ruins of the Royal Opera House. In less than thirty minutes you have walked through centuries of history and are at the end of Valletta, near City Gate. To the left, near Saint James Cavalier, is the current office of the Knights of Malta. Yes, the knights are back. Their official headquarters is still in Rome, but the Maltese government has granted the order the right to occupy the upper part of Fort St. Angelo, including the old Magistral Palace and St. Anne's Chapel. The flags of both Malta and the Knights of St. John flutter

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over the fort. The past and present blend seamlessly in Malta, and it is this combination upon which Malta's future depends. As it draws upon its past to build its future, Malta has become, in a small way, its own example of turning swords into plowshares. There are signs of this everywhere. Old air raid shelters are used for water reservoirs, and brass artillery shell casings serve as umbrella stands. The great harbors service tankers and cruise ships, instead of warships. Luqa airfield welcomes thousands of aircraft to Malta each year bringing tourists, not bombs, while the Ta Qali airfield is now the National Stadium. The St. James Cavalier in Valletta has become a performing arts center, with theater, cinema, and music presentations. Across the islands, military buildings constructed by the knights and British now house museums, art, and public services. These structures stand witness to the long, hard history of the Maltese Islands. Still, upon seeing orange trees blossom beneath the walls of the massive fortifications, one is filled with hope that these Maltese crosses have finally been laid to rest.

Notes

CHAPTER I

1. Warren G. Berg, Historical Dictionary of Malta (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 1995), 79. 2. John D. Evans, Malta (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1959), 32-34. 3. Sandro Lanfranco, "Geology and Geomorphology of the Maltese Islands,*' Department of Environmental Science at GF Abela Junior College of the University of Malta in Msida. www.geocities.com/sanlanf/readings/geology.htm. Accessed May 21, 2003. 4. Evans, Malta, 33-34. 5. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 53-54. 6. Evans, Malta, 37. 7. Ibid., 46. 8. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 84-85. 9. Evans, Malta, 138-39. 10. Ibid., 153. 11. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 29. 12. Evans, Malta, 158-59. 13. Ibid., 159-61. 14. Simon Stoddart, "Burial Practices on Prehistoric Malta," Classics Department lecture at State University of New York at Buffalo, October 21, 2003. 15. Evans, Malta, 158. 16. Ibid., 168. 17. Stoddart, "Burial Practices on Prehistoric Malta."

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NOTES

18. Evans, Malta, 170. 19. Ibid., 181-82. 20. Ibid., 186-88. CHAPTER 2

1. Thucydides, Book VI, 2.6. 2. Diodorus of Sicily, The Library of History, Book IV (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1939), 12.1-4. 3. Antonia Ciasca, "Malta," in The Phoenicians, ed. Sabatino Moscasti, 206-08 (London: John Murray, 1988). 4. Ovid, Fasti, 111.543-80. 5. Anthony Bonnano, "Malta's Changing Role in Mediterreanan CrossCurrents: From Pre-History to Roman Times," in Malta: A Case Study in International Cross-Currents, 7-8, ed. Stanley Fiorini and Victor Mallia-Milanes (Msida, Malta; Malta University Publications, 1991). 6. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 29. 7. Sabatino Moscati, ed., The Phoenicians (London: John Murray, 1988), 62. 8. "Melita (Malta)," in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, www.perseus.tufts.edu/cgi-bin/ptext?doc=Perseus%3Atext%3Al 999.04.0006& layout=8doc=Melita. 9. M. I. Finley, Ancient Sicily (New York: Viking, 1968), 70-72. 10. Ibid., 104-5. 11. Pablo Vidal Gonzalez, La Isla de Malta en Epoca Fenicia y Punica (Oxford: Tempus Reparatum, Bar International Series 653, 1996), 104. Many thanks to Kathleen Murphy Castillo for the translation of this material. 12. J. F. Lazenby, The First Punic War: A Military History (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996), 71-72. 13. Ibid., 78-79. 14. Naevius, Bellum Punicum, Book IV. Translated from Latin to English by Marco Patrolino, www.forumromanum.org/literature/naeviuse.html. 15. Adrian Goldsworthy, The Punic Wars (London: Cassell, 2000), 124-25. 16. Ibid., 128-29. 17. Livy, Liber Historiarium, Volume III, Book XXI. 18. Ibid. 19. Ibid. 20. Ibid. 21. Ibid., Volume V, Book LI. 22. Goldsworthy, The Punic Wars, 261-63. 23. Silius Italicus, Punica, Book XIV. 24. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 104. 25. Diodorus of Sicily, The Library of History, Book IV. 26. Cicero, The Verrine Orations, Second Speech, Book II, 74.183. 27. Ibid., Book IV, 46. 28. Joseph M. Brincat, Al-Himyari's Account and Its Linguistic Implications (Valletta, Malta: Said International, 1995), 11. 29. S. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History (Valletta, Malta: A.C. Aquilina, 1971), 31.

NOTES

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30. Brincat, Al-HimyarVs Account, 11-12. 31. Many scholars dispute this colorful story, claiming that the 1090 action was merely a raid and that the final occupation of Malta by the Normans occurred later. 32. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 93. 33. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 249. 34. Steven Runciman, The War of the Sicilian Vespers (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1958), 6-7. 35. Anthony T. Luttrell, ed., Medieval Malta: Studies on Malta before the Knights (Cambridge, UK: British School at Rome, 1975), 36. 36. Ibid., 35. 37. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 122-23. 38. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 48. 39. Ibid., 249-50. 40. Runciman, The War of the Sicilian Vespers, 205-6. 41. Ibid., 207. 42. Luttrell, Medieval Malta, 43. 43. Lawrence V. Mott, Seapower in the Medieval Mediterranean: The CatalanAragonese Fleet in the War of the Sicilian Vespers (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003), 31. 44. Ibid., 191. 45. Ibid., 31. 46. Quentin Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications (Valletta, Malta: Said International, 1993), 1-2. 47. Runciman, The War of the Sicilian Vespers, 244. 48. Ibid., 246-48. 49. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 13-14. 50. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 250. 51. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 30. 52. Ibid., 30-31. 53. Ibid. 54. Luttrell, Medieval Malta, 51. 55. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 250. 56. Ibid., 251. 57. Ibid., 252. 58. Whitworth Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta (London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858), 263. 59. Ibid. CHAPTER 3

1. Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, 1050-1310 (New York: St. Martin's, 1967), 37. 2. Ibid., 37-38. 3. Ibid., 39. 4. Ibid., 39-40. 5. Benjamin Z. Kedar, "A Twelfth Century Description of the Jerusalem Hospital," in Military Monks, Vol. 2: Welfare and Warfare, ed. Helen Nicholson (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1998), 6-7.

230

NOTES

6. Ibid., 8. 7. H. J. A. Sire, The Knights of Malta (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994), 6. 8. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, 45. 9. Ibid., 50-51. 10. Ibid., 45-46. 11. Timothy S. Miller, "The Knights of Saint John and the Hospitals of the Latin West," Speculum 53 (October 1978): 709-33. 12. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 6-7. 13. Helen Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128-1291 (London: Leicester University Press, 1993), 1-2. 14. Desmond Seward, The Monks of War: The Military Religious Orders (New York: Penguin, 1995), 15. 15. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, 57. 16. Alan Forey, The Military Orders: From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992), 18-19. 17. Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights, 120-21. 18. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 12. 19. Seward, The Monks of War, 37-38. 20. Nicholson, Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights, 129. 21. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, 55-56. 22. Jonathan Phillips, "Henry of Reims and the Militarization of the Hospitallers," in Military Monks, Volume 2: Welfare and Warfare, ed. Helen Nicholson (Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1998), 84. 23. Ibid., 84. 24. Forey, The Military Orders, 39. 25. Ibid., 74. 26. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, 88-89. 27. Forey, The Military Orders, 68-69. 28. Ibid., 83. 29. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 12. 30. Ibid., 14. 31. Jonathan Riley-Smith, Hospitallers: The History of the Order of St. John (London: Hambledon, 1999), 50. 32. Forey, The Military Orders, 95-96. 33. Seward, The Monks of War, 223. 34. "What a Pilgrim Saw at Rhodes," Annales de I'Ordre Souverain Militaire de Make, 26 (1968): 104. 35. Seward, The Monks of War, 232. 36. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 95-96. 37. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 58. 38. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 98. 39. Seward, The Monks of War, 229. 40. Ernie Bradford, The Great Siege: Malta, 1565 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1961), 30. 41. Ibid., 30. 42. Seward, The Monks of War, 249.

NOTES

43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

231

Ibid., 260-61. Ibid., 261-62. Ibid., 264-65. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 59-60. Ibid., 60. Bradford, The Great Siege, 23. Ibid., 23-24. Archives of the Order of Malta (hereafter AOM), 70. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 110-11. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 252-53. Seward, The Monks of War, 270-71. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 65. Ibid., 65. Seward, The Monks of War, 271-72.

CHAPTER 4

1. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 66-67. 2. Francisco di Correggio Balbi, The Siege of Malta, trans. Ernie Bradford (London: Folio Society, 1965), 29. One of the best sources we have for the siege is a personal account by one of the participants, Francisco di Correggio Balbi. He was a sixty-year-old Spanish arquebusier. His second edition, which I draw from, includes contributions from others, in particular knights who were able to inform him of the discussions made in the order's governing council, which Balbi would not have been aware of. 3. Ibid., 29-30. 4. Ibid., 30-31. 5. Ibid., 31. 6. Ibid. 7. Arnold Cassola, The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register (Valletta, Malta: Publishers Enterprises Group, 1998), 98. 8. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 32-33. 9. Bradford, The Great Siege, 52. 10. Cassola, The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register, 95. 11. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 33. 12. Ibid., 34. 13. Bradford, The Great Siege, 54. 14. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 27. 15. Ibid., 38-39. 16. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 68-69. 17. Ibid., 69. 18. Bradford, The Great Siege, 39-40. 19. Ibid., 40-41. 20. Ibid., 41-43. 21. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 40-41. 22. Bradford, The Great Siege, 47.

232

NOTES

23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69.

Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 41. Ibid., 45-47. Ibid., 49-50. Ibid., 51-52. Ibid., 53. Bradford, The Great Siege, 72. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 55. Ibid., 62-63. Ibid., 63. Ibid., 65-66. Bradford, The Great Siege, 107-8. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 71-72. Ibid., 72. Ibid. Bradford, The Great Siege, 116. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 75. Ibid., 76. Ibid., 79. Bradford, The Great Siege, 96. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 82. Bradford, The Great Siege, 127. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 88. Ibid., 89. Bradford, The Great Siege, 139-40. Ibid., 141-42. Ibid., 139-40. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 91. Ibid., 93. Ibid., 96-97. Ibid., 97. Ibid., 98. Bradford, The Great Siege, 150-51. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 100. Ibid., 102-3. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 70. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 103. Ibid., 105. Ibid., 110. Ibid., 107. Bradford, The Great Siege, 154. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 108. Bradford, The Great Siege, 156. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 110. Cassola, The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register, 357. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 111. Ibid., 115. Bradford, The Great Siege, 161.

NOTES

233

70. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 123. 71. Ibid., 129-30. 72. Cassola, The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register, 101. 73. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 136. 74. Bradford, The Great Siege, 172. 75. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 143. 76. Ibid., 144-45. 77. Louis de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. II (1804; facsimile reproduction, Valletta, Malta: Midsea Books, 1988), 105-6. 78. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 145. 79. Bradford, The Great Siege, 173-774. 80. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 145-46. 81. Bradford, The Great Siege, 175-76. 82. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 145-46. 83. Ibid., 146-47. 84. Bradford, The Great Siege, 176. 85. Ibid., 181. 86. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 148. 87. Bradford, The Great Siege, 191. 88. Ibid., 189-90. 89. Cassola, The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register, 365-68. 90. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 158. 91. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. II, 117. 92. Bradford, The Great Siege, 205. 93. Ibid., 207. 94. Ibid., 211. 95. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 168. 96. Ibid., 219-20. 97. Ibid., 224. 98. Ibid., 223. 99. Ibid., 187. 100. Bradford, The Great Siege, 224. 101. Balbi, The Siege of Malta, 189. 102. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. II, 122. 103. Bradford, The Great Siege, 224. 104. April 10, 2004, interview with Albert Filletti, curator of the Vittoriosa 1565 Museum. 105. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 71-72.

CHAPTER 5

1. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 255. 2. A. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta by the Order of St. John, 15301798 (Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1979), 33. 3. Ibid., 33-34. 4. Ibid., 34-35.

234

NOTES

5. Quentin Hughes, Fortress: Architecture and Military History in Malta (London: Lund Humphries, 1969), 61. 6. Ibid., 16. 7. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 39. 8. Ibid., 42-43. 9. Ibid., 36-37. 10. Ibid., 38. 11. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 16. 12. Ibid., 15-16. 13. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 39-40. 14. Hughes, Fortress, 62. 15. Ibid., 73. 16. Ibid., 78-79. 17. Ibid., 70. 18. Seward, The Monks of War, 288. 19. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 109. 20. Seward, The Monks of War, 299. 21. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 115. 22. Hughes, Fortress, 92. 23. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 115. 24. Joseph Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John: 1530-1798 (Valletta, Malta: Midsea Books, 1997), 72. 25. Seward, The Monks of War, 288. 26. Salvatore Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," in Hospitaller Malta: 1530-1798, ed. Victor Mallia-Milanes (Msida, Malta: Mireva Publications, 1993), 357. 27. Seward, The Monks of War, 289. 28. Ibid., 290. 29. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 357. 30. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 46. 31. Ibid. 32. Ibid., 47-48. 33. Ibid., 36. 34. Hughes, Fortress, 73. 35. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 74. 36. Ibid., 75. 37. Ibid., 78. 38. Ibid., 91-92. 39. Hughes, Fortress, 126. 40. Ibid., 79. 41. Ibid., 81. 42. Ibid., 85. 43. Ibid., 95-96. 44. Ibid., 118. 45. Ibid., 121. 46. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 19. 47. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 106-07. 48. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 19.

NOTES

235

49. Robert L. Dauber, Die Marine des Johanniter-Malteser-Ritter-Ordens: 500 JahreSeekriegzur Verteidigung Europas (Graz, Austria: H. Weishaupt Verlag, 1989), 362. 50. Interview with Michael Stroud, curator of Palace Armoury, April 5, 2004. 51. Dauber, Die Marine des Johanniter-Malteser-Ritter-Ordens, 362. 52. Ibid. 53. Ibid., 363. 54. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 233. 55. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 381. 56. Dauber, Die Marine des Johanniter-Malteser-Ritter-Ordens, 362. 57. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 377-78. 58. Ibid., 370-71. 59. Ibid., 383. 60. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 53-54. 61. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 385. 62. Ibid., 359. 63. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 61. 64. Ibid., 87. 65. Seward, The Monks of War, 299. 66. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 87. 67. Ibid., 43. 68. Ibid., 44. 69. Riley-Smith, Hospitallers, 99-100. 70. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 6. 71. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 18. 72. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 58-59. 73. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 93. 74. Ibid. 75. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 6. 76. Ibid., 6-7. 77. Sire, The Knights of Malta, 93. 78. Ibid., 94. 79. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 369. 80. Ibid. 81. Hoppen, The Fortification of Malta, 68. 82. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 373. 83. Ibid., 373-74. 84. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 87-88. 85. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 374-75. 86. Seward, The Monks of War, 300. 87. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 381. 88. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 74-75. 89. Ibid., 259. 90. Seward, The Monks of War, 296. 91. Ibid., 299. 92. Victor Mallia-Milanes, "The Genesis of Maltese Nationalism," in The British Colonial Experience 1800-1964: The Impact on Maltese Society, ed. Victor Mallia-Milanes (Msida, Malta: Mireva Academic Publications, 1988), 4.

236

NOTES

93. Ibid., 5. 94. Roderick Cavaliero, The Last of the Crusaders (London: Hollis and Carter, 1960), 153. 95. Schermerhorn, Malta of the Knights (New York: AMS Press, 1978), 287-88. 96. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. II, 257. 97. Schermerhorn, Malta of the Knights, 289. CHAPTER 6

1. Ernie Bradford, The Shield and the Sword: The Knights of St. John, Jerusalem, Rhodes, and Malta (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1973), 208. 2. Ibid. 3. Louis de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill (London: G. and J. Robinson, 1804), 24. 4. Ibid., 26. 5. Alexander Sutherland, The Achievements of the Knights of Malta, Vol. II (Edinburgh: Constable, 1831), 293-94. 6. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 51. 7. Ibid., 56. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 57. 10. Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta, 439. 11. Edgar Erskine Hume, Medical Work of the Knights Hospitallers of Saint John of Jerusalem (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1940), 191. 12. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 209. 13. R. W. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte by Louis Antoine Fauvelet de Bourrienne (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1891), 134. 14. Georges Lefebvre, The French Revolution: From 1793-1799 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964), 212-18. 15. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 31. 16. Ibid. 17. Ibid., 129-30. 18. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 179. 19. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 130. 20. Piers Macksey, The War in the Mediterranean: 1803-1810 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1957), 14; William Hardman, A History of Malta during the Period of the French and British Occupations, 1798-1815 (London: Longmans, Green, 1909), 47. 21. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 66. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid., 70. 24. J. Christopher Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), 1. 25. Lefebvre, The French Revolution, 219. 26. Oliver Warner, Nelson's Battles (New York: Macmillan Co., 1965), 42. 27. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 212.

NOTES

237

28. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 43. 29. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 140. 30. Ibid. 31. Ibid., 139. 32. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 42. 33. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 66. 34. Ibid. 35. Hardman, A History of Malta, 70-71. 36. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 47. 37. Hardman, A History of Malta, 68-69. 38. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 213. 39. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 139. 40. Hughes- 1993, 20. 41. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, volume III, 67. 42. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 182. 43. Hardman, A History of Malta, 71. 44. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 214. 45. Sutherland, The Achievements of the Knights of Malta, Vol. II, 303. 46. Schermerhorn, Malta of the Knights, 301. 47. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 239. 48. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 215. 49. Schermerhorn, Malta of the Knights, 301. 50. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 185. 51. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 214-15. 52. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 81. 53. Schermerhorn, Malta of the Knights, 277. 54. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 183. 55. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 83. 56. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 215. 57. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 183. 58. Hardman, A History of Malta, 63. 59. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 46. 60. Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta, 453. 61. Hannibal Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation (Malta: Empire Press, 1923), 77-78. 62. Hardman, A History of Malta, 64. 63. Phipps, Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte, 140. 64. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 188. 65. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. HI, 237. 66. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 47. 67. Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation, 3. 68. Hardman, A History of Malta, 79-80. 69. Ibid., 80. 70. Ibid., 74. 71. Ibid., 75. 72. Ibid., 75-76. 73. Ibid., 81-82.

238

NOTES

74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89.

Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation, 90. Ibid., 82-83. Ibid., 83. Ibid., 84. Ibid., 77. Ibid., 84-85. Bono, "Naval Exploits and Privateering," 376-77. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 47. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 216. Sutherland, The Achievements of the Knights of Malta, Vol. II, 312. Bradford, The Shield and the Sword, 217. Vatican Information Services News Release, June 22, 2004. Hardman, A History of Malta, 85-87. Ibid., 87-88. Hume, Medical Work of the Knights Hospitallers, 121. Herold, Bonaparte in Egypt, 47.

CHAPTER 7

1. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 196. 2. Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation, 10. 3. Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta, 506. 4. Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation, 7. 5. Ibid., 8-9. 6. Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta, 467-68. 7. Scicluna, Documents Relating to the French Occupation, 27. 8. Ibid., 15. 9. Ibid., 16-17. 10. Ibid., 18. 11. Ibid., 20-24. 12. Porter, A History of the Knights of Malta, 465. 13. Mallia-Milanes, "The Genesis of Maltese Nationalism," 9. 14. Oliver Warner, Nelson's Battles (New York: Macmillan, 1965), 43. 15. Ibid., 42-43. 16. Ibid., 49. 17. Henry Seddall, Malta: Past and Present (London: Chapman and Hall, 1870), 179. 18. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 118-19. 19. Ibid., 122. 20. Hardman, A History of Malta, 153. 21. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 180-81. 22. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 123-27. 23. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 27. 24. Ibid. 25. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 183. 26. Hardman, A History of Malta, 191. 27. Ibid., 109-10.

NOTES

239

28. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 27. 29. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 183. 30. Ibid., 184. 31. Ibid., 187-88. 32. Ibid., 186-87. 33. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 133-34. 34. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 29-30. 35. Ibid., 31. 36. Ibid., 28. 37. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 204-205. 38. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 32. 39. Ibid., 33. 40. Hughes, Fortress, 232. 41. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 30. 42. Ibid., 33. 43. Ibid., 34. 44. Ibid., 35. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid., 35-36. 47. Wismayer, The Fleet of the Order of St. John, 259. 48. AOM, 70. 49. Hardman, A History of Malta, 141. 50. Ibid., 162. 51. Ibid., 169. 52. Ibid., 184-85. 53. Ibid., 205. 54. Ibid., 413-15. 55. Fred L. Israel, ed., Major Peace Treaties of Modern History: 1648-1967, Volume I (New York: Chelsea House, 1967), 448-450. 56. de Boisgelin, Ancient and Modern Malta, Vol. Ill, 127. 57. Warner, Nelsons Battles, 107. 58. Laspina, Outlines of Maltese History, 238. 59. Ibid., 322. 60. Oscar Browning, ed., England and Napoleon in 1803: Being the Dispatches of Lord Whitworth and Others (London: Longmans, Green, and Co., 1887), 82. 61. Ibid., 119. 62. Ibid., 137. 63. A. G. Chesney, Historical Records of the Maltese Corps of the British Army (London: William Clowes and Sons, 1897), 21-22. 64. Dennis A. Darmanin, "The Royal Regiment of Malta, 1805-1811," www.degreeminatures.com/british/rrm.html, accessed February 19, 2004. CHAPTER 8

1. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 5-6. 2. Ibid., 16.

240

NOTES

3. Ibid., 77-78. 4. Hughes, Fortress, 238. 5. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 214. 6. Ibid., 238. 7. Joseph Bonnici and Michael Cassar, A Century of the Royal Navy at Malta (Malta: BDL, 1999), 38. 8. Ibid., 46. 9. Ibid., 78. 10. Ibid., 54. 11. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 270. 12. Ibid., 271. 13. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 265. 14. Hughes, Fortress, 254. 15. Jane's Fighting Ships, 1914, (New York: Arco Publishing Co., 1969). Reprint of 1914 original edition. 16. Official Royal Navy Web site, www.royal-navy.mod.uk, accessed March 3, 2004. 17. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 39. 18. Ibid., 139. 19. Ibid., 40. 20. Ibid., 167. 21. Ibid., 40. 22. Ibid., 103. 23. Ibid., 67-69. 24. Ibid., 135. 25. Ibid., 119. 26. Ibid., 61. 27. Ibid., 141. 28. Ibid., 40. 29. Ibid., 115. 30. Ibid., 42. 31. Ibid., 65. 32. Ibid., 289. 33. Ibid., 43. 34. Hughes, Fortress, 234-35. 35. Ibid., 242. 36. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 44-45. 37. Ibid., 45. 38. Hughes, Fortress, 257. 39. J. R. Hill, ed., The Oxford Illustrated History of the Royal Navy (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 1995), 166. 40. Ibid., 166-68. 41. Ibid., 170-71. 42. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 260. 43. Hill, The Oxford Illustrated History, 174-76. 44. Ibid., 194. 45. Ibid., 302-303.

NOTES

241

46. Ibid., 313. 47. Joseph Attard, Britain and Malta: The Story of an Era (Valletta, Malta: Publishers Enterprises, 1988), 103-104. 48. Ibid., 106. 49. Ibid. 50. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 59. 51. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 212. 52. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 135. 53. Ibid., 23-24. 54. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 262. 55. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 74-75. 56. Ibid., 34-35. 57. Ibid., 89. 58. Seddall, Malta: Past and Present, 326. 59. Census of the Maltese Islands: 1931 (Malta: Government Printing Office, 1932), ii. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid., xxxix. 62. Ibid., xxxv. 63. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 68. 64. Ibid., 88. 65. Ibid., 91. 66. Ibid., 74-75. 67. Ibid., 24. CHAPTER 9

1. Charles Jellison, Besieged: The World War II Ordeal of Malta, 1940-42 (Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, 1984), 22-23. 2. Ibid., 24. 3. Ciano Conte Galeazzo, The Ciano Diaries, ed. Hugh Gibson (New York: Doubleday, 1946), 176. 4. Ibid., 178. 5. Ibid., 196. 6. Ibid., 200. 7. Ibid., 205. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 225. 10. Ray Bondin, Deportation, 1942: The Internment and Deportation of Maltese Nationalists (Malta: Rama Publications, 1980), 37. 11. Ibid., 38. 12. Ibid., 27. 13. Ibid., 40. 14. Ibid., 114. 15. Ibid., 130. 16. Ibid., 12. 17. Ibid., 15.

242

NOTES

18. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 32. 19. Jellison, Besieged, 19. 20. Ibid., 20. 21. Ibid., 22. 22. Ibid., 24-25. 23. Christopher Shores and Brian Cull, with Nicola Malizia, Malta: The Hurricane Years, 1940-41 (Carrollton, TX: Squadron Signal Publications, 1987), 2. 24. Ibid., 5. 25. Jellison, Besieged, 45. 26. Ibid., 41. 27. Ibid., 47. 28. Ibid., 49. 29. Shores and Cull, Malta: The Hurricane Years, 388. 30. Ibid., 398. 31. Friedrich Ruge, Der Seekrieg: The German Navy's Story, 1939-45, trans. M. G. Saunders (Annapolis, MD: United States Naval Institute, 1957), 134. 32. Jellison, Besieged, 31. 33. Marc' Antonio Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, trans. Gale Hoffman (New York: Arno Press, 1980), 19-20. 34. Jellison, Besieged, 35. 35. Ibid., 23. 36. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 135. 37. Jellison, Besieged, 51-52. 38. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 290. 39. Jellison, Besieged, 68. 40. Ibid., 114. 41. Shores and Cull, Malta: The Hurricane Years, 269-70. 42. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 132. 43. Ibid. 44. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 94. 45. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 136-37. 46. Jellison, Besieged, 53. 47. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 140-41. 48. Donald Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean (New York: W.W. Norton, 1964), 35. 49. Ibid., 34-35. 50. Ibid., 36. 51. Ibid., 37. 52. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 145-46. 53. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 39. 54. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 147. 55. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 365. 56. Peter Padfield, War beneath the Sea: Submarine Conflict during World War II (New York: John Wiley, 1995), 131. 57. Bradford, Siege Malta: 1940-43 (New York: William Morrow, 1986), 56. 58. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 42.

NOTES

243

CHAPTER IO

1. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 44. 2. Ibid., 46. 3. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 150. 4. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 48. 5. Charles Boffa, The 'Illustrious" Blitz: Malta in Wartime 1940-41 (Malta: Progress Press, 1995), 36. 6. Ibid., 37. 7. Ibid. 8. Ibid. 9. Ibid., 39. 10. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 53. 11. Padfield, War beneath the Sea, 132. 12. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 54-55. 13. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 185-86. 14. Jellison, Besieged, 199. 15. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 59. 16. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 191-92. 17. Ibid., 192. 18. Josef Goebbels, The Goebbels Diaries, 1939-1941, ed. and trans. Fred Taylor (New York: Putnam, 1983), 349. 19. Shores and Cull, Malta: The Hurricane Years, 396. 20. Robert Rhodes James, ed., Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 1897-1963 (New York: Chelsea House, 1974), 6394. 21. Ibid. 22. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 63-64. 23. Ibid., 64. 24. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 193. 25. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 65. 26. Ibid., 77. 27. Ibid. 28. Goebbels, The Goebbels Diaries, 1939-41, 349. 29. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 80. 30. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 196. 31. National War Museum, Valletta, Malta. 32. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 211. 33. Ibid., 212-13. 34. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 83. 35. Ibid., 87-88. 36. Ibid., 88-89. 37. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 242. 38. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 382. 39. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 213. 40. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 403-404. 41. Peter C. Smith and Edwin Walker, The Battles of the Malta Striking Forces (London: Ian Allan, 1974), 108.

244

NOTES

42. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 108-109. 43. Ibid., 109. 44. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 413; Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 109-110. 45. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 213-14. 46. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 418. 47. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War 11, 365. 48. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 111. 49. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 437. 50. Padfield, War beneath the Sea, 133. 51. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 94. 52. Ibid., 96. 53. Ibid., 101. 54. Bradford, Siege Malta: 1940-43, 162. 55. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 113. 56. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 242. 57. Norman Cameron and R. H. Stevens, Hitler's Table Talk, 1941-1944: His Private Conversations (New York: Enigma Books, 2000), 177. 58. Ibid., 221. 59. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 126-27. 60. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 244. 61. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 112-13. 62. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 244. 63. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 121-22. 64. Ibid., 125. 65. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 244. 66. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 125-26. 67. Ibid., 126. 68. Ibid., 139. 69. Laurence Mizzi, The People's War: Malta, 1940-43, trans. Joseph M. Falzon (Valletta, Malta: Progress Press, 1998), 299. 70. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 139-40. 71. Ibid., 140. 72. Ibid., 141. 73. Josef Goebbels, The Goebbels Diaries, 1942-43, ed. and trans. Louis P. Lochner (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1948), 160. 74. Mizzi, The People's War, 96. 75. Ibid., 91-93. 76. Jellison, Besieged, 221. 77. Bradford, Siege Malta, 244. 78. Francis L. Loewenheim, Harold D. Langley, and Manfred Jonas, eds., Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence (New York: E.P. Dutton, 1975), 201. 79. Hughes, Fortress, 268. 80. Hughes, Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications, 53. 81. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 168n.

NOTES

82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94.

245

Ibid., 168. Ibid. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 484-85. Ibid., 492. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 128. Ibid., 132. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 245. Ibid., 246. Loewenheim, 199. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 129-30. James, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 6622-23. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 38. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 142.

CHAPTER I I

1. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 141-42. 2. Ibid., 143-44. 3. Ibid., 145. 4. Ibid., 146. 5. Ibid. 6. Ibid., 146-7. 7. Ibid., 147. 8. Ibid. 9. Bradford, Siege Malta, 237. 10. Peter C. Smith, Pedestal: The Convoy That Saved Malta (Manchester, UK: Crecy, 2002), 35-36. 11. Ibid., 31-32. 12. Jellison, Besieged, 248. 13. Smith, Pedestal, 40. 14. James, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 6645. 15. Ibid., 6646. 16. Ibid., 6650-51. 17. Whitworth Porter, A History of the Fortress of Malta (Valletta: P. Cumbo, 1858). 18. Bradford, Siege Malta, 251. 19. Jellison, Besieged, 250. 20. Ibid., 249. 21. Ibid., 251. 22. Smith, Pedestal, 51. 23. Ibid., 52. 24. Ibid., 257. 25. Ibid., 48. 26. Bradford, Siege Malta, 253. 27. Smith, Pedestal, 54. 28. Ibid., 262-63.

246

NOTES

29. Bradford, Siege Malta, 254. 30. Smith, Pedestal, 68. 31. Bradford, Siege Malta, 257. 32. Smith, Pedestal, 58. 33. Jellison, Besieged, 249. 34. Mizzi, The People's War, 293-95. 35. Smith, Pedestal, 88. 36. Ibid., 90. 37. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 514. 38. Smith, Pedestal, 139. 39. Ibid., 195. 40. Ibid., 203. 41. Ibid., 209. 42. Ibid., 212. 43. Ibid., 216. 44. Ibid., 219. 45. Ibid., 235. 46. Bradford, Siege Malta, 273. 47. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 185-86. 48. Ibid., 186. 49. Ibid., 188. 50. Ciano, The Ciano Diaries, 519. 51. Ibid., 519. 52. James, Winston S. Churchill: His Complete Speeches, 6666-67. 53. Macintyre, The Battle for the Mediterranean, 192. 54. Ibid., 193-94. 55. Ibid., 194. 56. Ibid. 57. Ibid. 58. Ibid., 198. 59. Ibid., 206. 60. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 52. 61. Ibid., 116. 62. Ibid., 41. 63. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 336. 64. National War Museum, Valletta, Malta. 65. Loewenheim et al., Roosevelt and Churchill, 12. 66. Ibid., 653-54. 67. Ibid., 681. 68. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 365. 69. Ibid. 70. John Wingate, The Fighting Tenth: The Tenth Submarine Flotilla and the Siege of Malta (London: Leo Cooper, 1991), 367. 71. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 355. 72. Ruge, Der Seekrieg, 249. 73. Bragadin, The Italian Navy in World War II, 20. 74. Ibid., 169.

NOTES

247

CHAPTER 1 2

1. Shores and Cull, Malta: The Hurricane Years, 425. 2. Census of the Maltese Islands: 1931, xxiii. 3. Attard, Britain and Malta, 167. 4. Ibid., 165. 5. Fiona Galea Debono, "Sta Marija Convoy Surviving Crewmen for Malta Reunion," Times of Malta, July 15, 2002. 6. Bonnici and Cassar, A Century of the Royal Navy at Malta, 192. 7. Attard, Britain and Malta, 179. 8. Bonnici and Cassar, A Century of the Royal Navy at Malta, 192. 9. Attard, Britain and Malta, 178. 10. Ibid., 183. 11. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 19. 12. Attard, Britain and Malta, 187. 13. Ibid., 198-99. This would prevent Malta from being involved in another operation such as the 1956 Suez Crisis. 14. Ibid., 183-84. 15. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 34. 16. Armed Forces of Malta Organization,, www.afm.gov.mt. Accessed May 20, 2003. 17. The CIA World Factbook: Malta Military, www.cia.gov/cia/publications/ factbook/geog/mt.html military. Accessed July 26, 2005. 18. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 39. 19. Attard, Britain and Malta, 187. 20. Ibid., 201. 21. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 124. 22. Ibid., 128-29. 23. The Malta Summit: December 2-3, 1989 (Luqa, Malta: Technografica, 1990), 2. 24. Ibid., 3. 25. Ibid. 26. Ibid., 1. 27. Berg, Historical Dictionary, 97. 28. Massimo Farrugia, "Twenty Cadets Join the Rapid Reaction Force." Times of Malta, April 14, 2004.

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Balbi, Francisco di Correggio. The Siege of Malta. Translated by Ernie Bradford. London: Folio Society, 1965. Barber, Malcom. The Military Orders: Fighting for the Faith and Caring for the Sick. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate, 1994. Boisgelin, Louis de. Ancient and Modern Malta. Valletta, Malta: Midsea Books, 1988 facsimile reproduction of 1804 first edition. Bradford, Ernie. The Great Siege: Malta, 1565. London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1961. Bradford, Ernie. The Shield and the Sword: The Knights of St. John, Jerusalem, Rhodes, and Malta. New York: E.P. Dutton, 1973. Cassola, Arnold. The 1565 Ottoman Malta Campaign Register. Valletta, Malta: Publishers Enterprises, 1998. Cavaliero, Roderick. The Last of the Crusaders: The Knights of St. John and Malta in the Eighteenth Century. London: Hollis and Carter, 1960. Dauber, Robert L. Die Marine des Johanniter-Malteser-Ritter-Ordens: 500 Jahre Seekrieg zur Verteidigung Europas. Graz, Austria: H. Weishaupt Verlag, 1989. Forey, Alan. The Military Orders: From the Twelfth to the Early Fourteenth Centuries. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1992. Frendo, Henry, ed. Maltese Political Development, 1798-1964: A Documentary History. Malta: Interprint, 1993. Hume, Edgar Erskine. Medical Work of the Knights Hospitallers of Saint John of Jerusalem Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1940. Mallia-Milanes, Victor, ed. Hospitaller Malta: 1530-1798 (Msida, Malta: Mireva Publications, 1993.

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Nicholson, Helen, ed. Military Monks, Vol. 2: Welfare and Warfare. Aldershot, United Kingdom: Ashgate, 1998. Nicholson, Helen. Templars, Hospitallers, and Teutonic Knights: Images of the Military Orders, 1128-1291. London: Leicester University Press, 1993. Porter, Major Whitworth. A History of the Knights of Malta. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858. Riley-Smith, Jonathan. Hospitallers: The History of the Order of St. John. London: Hambledon Press, 1999. Riley-Smith, Jonathan. The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, 10501310. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1967. Schermerhorn, Elizabeth Wheeler. Malta of the Knights. New York: AMS Press, 1978. Seward, Desmond. The Monks of War: The Military Religious Orders. New York: Penguin Books, 1995. Sire, H. J. A. The Knights of Malta. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1994. Sutherland, Alexander. The Achievements of the Knights of Malta. Edinburgh: Constable, 1831. Szczesniak, Boleslaw B. The Knights Hospitallers in Poland and Lithuania. The Hague, Netherlands: Morton, 1969. Wismayer, Joseph. The Fleet of the Order of St. John: 1530-1798. Valletta, Malta: Midsea Books, 1997. M E D I E V A L MALTA

Brincat, Joseph M. Al-Himyari's Account and Its Linguistic Implications. Valletta, Malta: SAID International, 1995. Luttrell, Anthony T., ed. Medieval Malta: Studies on Malta before the Knights. Cambridge, UK: British School at Rome, 1975. Mott, Lawrence V. Seapower in the Medieval Mediterranean: The Catalan-Aragonese Fleet in the War of the Sicilian Vespers. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003. Runciman, Steven. The Sicilian Vespers: A History of the Mediterranean World in the Later Thirteenth Century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1958. Smith, Denis Mack. A History of Sicily: Medieval Sicily, 800-1713. New York: Viking, 1968. MALTA IN W O R L D WAR II

Boffa, Charles. The 'Tllustrious" Blitz: Malta in Wartime 1940-41. Malta: Progress Press, 1995. Bondin, Ray. Deportation, 1942: The Internment and Deportation of Maltese Nationalists. Malta: Rama Publications, 1980. Bradford, Ernie. Siege Malta, 1940-43. New York: William Morrow, 1986. Bragadin, Marc' Antonio. The Italian Navy in World War II. Translated by Gale Hoffman. New York: Arno Press, 1980. Cameron, Norman, and R. H. Stevens. Hitler's Table Talk, 1941-1944: His Private Conversations. New York: Enigma Books, 2000.

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Hoppen, A. The Fortification of Malta by the Order of St. John, 1530-1798. Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, 1979. Hughes, Quentin. Fortress: Architecture and Military History in Malta. London: Lund Humphries, 1969. Reprinted in 2001 by Progress Press, Valletta, Malta. Hughes, Quentin. Malta: A Guide to the Fortifications. Valletta, Malta: Said International, 1993. Porter, Major Whitworth. A History of the Fortress of Malta. London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans, and Roberts, 1858. POSTWAR MALTA

Armed Forces of Malta Web site, www.afm.gov.mt. Fiorini, Stanley, and Victor Mallia-Milanes, eds. Malta: A Case Study in International Cross-Currents. Msida: Malta University Publications, 1991. The Malta Summit: December 2-3, 1989. Luqa, Malta: Technografica Publications, 1990.

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R E L I G I O N IN MALTA

Boissevain, Jeremy. Saints and Fireworks: Religion and Politics in Rural Malta. London: Athlone Press, 1965. Meinardus, Otto F. A. St. Paul's Last Journey. New Rochelle, NY: Caratzas Brothers, 1979. Vassallo, Mario. From Lordship to Stewardship: Religion and Social Change in Malta. The Hague, Netherlands: Mouton, 1979.

Index

Abdosir, 18 Abercromby, Sir Ralph, 122 Aboukir Bay, 117 Acre, 43, 46-47, 138 Act of Capitulation, 105, 109-11, 114, 116, 118 Act of Donation, 52, 55, 123, 128 Adam, Grand Master Phillippe Villiers de l'Isle, 50-53 Adami, Prime Minister, 224 Adelaide, Queen, 131 Admiralty House, 222 Adriatic Sea, 25 Aegates Islands, Battle of the, 22 Aegean Sea, 89 Aemilius, Praetor M., 23 Aeneas, 18 Africa, 23, 25, 28, 181,225 Agnew, Captain W.G., 177 Agrigentum, 21, 26 Air Malta, 222 Alam el Haifa, Battle of, 209 Alamein, Battle of El, 210

Albania, 160-61, 167 Alexander IV, 79 Alexander, First Lord of the Admiralty A.V., 202 Alexandria, 2,4,48,100,117,130,141, 147-49, 160, 161, 167-68, 170, 172-73, 180-83, 183, 188-189, 195, 197, 202 Algeria, 211 Algiers, 4, 53, 88, 90, 138,211 Ali, Uluj, 82-83 Alphonso V, 36-37 Amain, 39 Amalric of Jerusalem, 45 Amat, Chevalier Philip, 105 American Chemical Society, 225 American Revolution, 88, 95 Anatolia, 56 Andrea Doria, 53 Angely, Regnaud de St. Jean d', 114 Angevins, 34-36 Anna Perenna, 18-19 Antioch, 45

256

INDEX

Appius Claudius Caudex, 21 Arabs, 4, 28-32, 36, 48, 144, 171, 174, 220 Aradus, 17 Aragon, 33-35, 37 Archeology Museum, 222 Archimedes, 26 Ariminum, 25 Armed Forces of Malta, 220-21, 225 Army of the Nile (see also Eighth Army), 163, 169, 171-73 Artabanes, 28 Artah, Battle of, 45 Ascalon, 43 Assumption of Mary, Feast of the, 201, 207 Astarte, 21, 27 Athens, 4 Athir, Ibn al, 46 Atlee, Clement, 152 Atlantic, Battle of the, 198 Auberge de Castile, 82, 121, 223 Auberge de Provence, 222 Aubusson, Grand Master Pierre d', 49-50 Auchinleck, General Claude, 197 Australia, 197 Austria, 90, 97 Axis, 158-159, 161, 175, 180-83, 191, 193,194,199, 206, 209, 211, 213,215 Babylonians, 19 Badoglio, Marshal Pietro, 213 Baghdad, 171 Bahrija, 14 Bajada, Toni, 63, 68, 77 Baker, James, 223 Balbi, Francisco, 64-65, 69, 73-76 Baldwin I of Jerusalem, 40 Baldwin II of Jerusalem, 43 Balearic Islands, 17 Ball, Alexander, 117, 120, 122-124 Barbarossa, 55 Barbary Pirates, 91, 138 Bari, 167 Bastille Day during French occupation, 114-116

Bathurst, Colonial Secretary, 129-30 Battus, King of Malta, 19 Beirut, 2, 47 Beitgibelin (castle), 45 Beit-Jibrin (castle), 43 Belisarius, 28 Bellum Punicum, 22 Belmont (castle), 45 Belvoir (castle), 45 Benghazi, 4, 160, 163, 171, 178-79 Bergamini, Admiral Carlo, 212-13 Bersey, Colonel de, 126 Bertie, Grand Master Andrew, 110 Bezzina (notary), 118 Bighi Naval Hospital, 133 Birgu (see also Vittoriosa), 30-31, 52-55, 59, 60-63, 65-68, 70-74, 77, 80-82, 85, 133, 168 Bishop of Malta, 27-28, 93, 105, 115-16, 119, 120, 141, 144, 201 Birzebugga, 13, 187 Black Sea, 139 Blood, Sir Hilary, 219 Blood Commission, 219 Boisgelin, Louis de, 71, 99, 101 Bola, Pietro, 69 Bondin, Guza, 186 Bonnano, Professor Anthony, 19 Bonnici, Censa, 186 Bonvin, Bartolome, 33-34 Borghese, Prince lunio Valerio, 170,182 Borg in-Nadur, 13-14 Bradford, Ernie, 61, 70, 71 Bragadin, Marc' Antonio, 215 Brindisi, 167 Bronze Age, 13, 18 Brueys, Admiral, 98-99, 117-18 Burroughs, Rear Admiral H.M., 199,203 Burton, Lieutenant D., 200 Bush-Gorbachev Summit, 223-24 Bush, George H. W., 223-224 Busi, Nicolo Bailiff, 125 By bios, 17 Byzantines, 28-31, 33 Cadiz, 18, 98 Cairo, 197

INDEX

Caius Lutatius Catulus, 22 Calabria, 30, 160 Calypso, 19 Calypso, 218 Camilleri, Louis, 202 Campioni, Admiral Inigo, 160, 162 Canada, 224 Candian War, 89-90 Cape Bon, 176, 204 Cape Matapan, Battle of, 170 Cape Passero, 2, 10, 122 Capri, 34-35, 127 Carafa, Captain-General and Grand Master Gregorio, 86, 89 Caravaggio, 82 Cardona, Don Antonio, 36 Carolowitz, Treaty of, 90 Carthage. 17, 18, 19-26 Caruana, Canon Don Francesco Saverio, 119-20 Casablanca, 211 Casero, Colonel Giuseppe, 188 Cassar, Rev. Canon J., 169 Cassar, Don Francesco, 119 Cassar, Gerolamo, 81 Cassar, Fr. Salvatore, 120 Castellan, 31 Castello, 86 Castile, 36, 42 Castillo, Pasquale, 186, 212 Castillo, Venerina, 154 Castrum Maris (Castello a Mare), 31, 34 Catherine II, 97 Cavallero, General, 188 Cecil, Rear Admiral O.N.A., 221 Celano, 32 Chamberlain, Neville, 148, 152 Chambray, Jacques de, 86, 88, 91 Chanez, Briagdier General, 113 Chapelle, Baron Giuseppe, 151 Charles V, 49, 51-53 Charles of Anjou, 33-35 Charles of Naples, 47 Charles of Salerno, 34-35 Chesapeake Bay, Battle of, 88 Christians, 27, 29-30, 32, 39, 40, 45, 48, 83, 88, 90-91

257

Churchill, Winston, 17, 139, 147-48, 152,158,160,165,172,187,189-91, 194, 197-98, 209-10, 213-14, 224 Church of the Holy Sepulchre, 39-40 Ciano, Count Galeazzo, 149-50, 177-79, 188, 203, 209 Ciasca, Antonia , 18 Cicero, 25-27 Civil Constitution on the Clergy, 96 Clement III, 32 Clement IV, 32 Clement VII, 51 Codrington, Admiral Eric, 138 Cold War, 222, 223-224 Coleridge, Samuel Taylor, 123 Comino, 4, 5, 86, 143 Cominotto, 5 Commonwealth, 219-20 Communism, 174 Congress of Vienna, 127 Consiglio Popolare, 32, 37, 53, 130 Constance (daughter of Roger I), 32 Constance (daughter of Manfred of Sicily), 33 Constantinople, 46 Constitution of 1921, 143-44 Constitutional Party, 143-44, 150, 153,220 Corfu, 53, 90, 99 Corna, Ascanio de la, 75 Cornelius, 23, 25 Coron, 53 Corps of Maltese Veterans, 127 Corradino Heights, 67-68, 85, 119-20, 133-34 Corsica, 20, 148, 152, 157 Corso, 48-49, 88-89, 91 Cospicua, 103, 153-54, 169 Cotoner, Grand Master Nicholas, 85-86 Cotonera Lines, 85-86, 93, 103, 119, 122,136 Council of Government, 141-42, 144, 150-51 Cousteau, Jacques, 218 Crac es Chevaliers, 43, 45-47 Creswell, Captain, 120

258

INDEX

Crete, 19, 32, 51, 89, 90, 117-18, 161, 170, 173-74, 180-81, 187, 194 Cricket, 213 Crusades, 28, 40, 43, 44-48, 97 Cunningham, Admiral Andrew, 155, 160, 161-62, 163, 167, 170-73, 183,212 Cusens, Simon, 218 Cyprus, 47-48, 83, 157 Dalmatia, 90 Damascus, 43 Damietta, 32, 91 Dardanelles, 89-90, 139-40 Daula, Paulo, 69 Declaration of Rights of the Inhabitants of Malta and Gozo, 125 Dejma, 31 Delia Grazie Battery, 135 Demandols, Baldassar de, 89 Destroyers (The), 12-13 Dill, General Sir John, 175 Dingli Cliffs, 8, 153, 207 Diodorus of Sicily, 18, 27 Disraeli, Benjamin, 79 Dobbie, Governor Lieutenant General Sir William, 151, 153, 190, 195 Dodecanese Islands, 170, 174 Dolomieu, Deodat de 100-101 Doublet, Pierre, 101, 104, 114, 116 Dragut (see Turgut) Dreadnought Battleships, 131-132. Dundas, Vice-Admiral Sir James, 139 Dunkirk, 190 Ecnomus, Battle of, 22 Eden, Anthony, 214, 219 Edessa, 45 Edward VII, 133, 137 Egypt, 39, 45, 47, 97-99, 106-09, 111, 114, 117, 126-27, 138-39, 157, 159, 161, 174, 180, 183-87, 193-94, 209, 218, 225 Eighth Army, 178, 181, 183, 194, 197, 209 Eisenhower, Dwight D., 211-12 Elba, 126

Elizabeth I, 76 Eliot, Walter, 132 Emergency Volunteers Reserve Force, 221 Emir, 29 England, 17, 42, 46, 98 English language, 130, 141, 143-45, 222, 224 Epicydes, 26 Eritrea, 144 Ethiopian Crisis, 140-41 Eugene of Savoy, 90 Eugenius HI, 42 Europe, 2, 28, 224-25 European Union, 225 Evans, John D., 12-13 Exmouth, Lord Admiral, 138 Faith, Hope and Charity, 154-55, 225 Falcons, 32, 52 Fascists, 151 Fay, Jean de la, 100-101 Feramolino, Antonio, 54 Ferdinand I of Castile, 36 Ferdinand II of Castile, 37 Ferdinand IV of Naples, 120, 122, 124 Ferrini, Lieutenant Renato, 203 Filfla, 6, 137 Floriana, 85, 92, 93,115,119,134,136, 154, 220 Floriani, Pietro Paolo, 84 Force H, 158, 162, 167, 172, 174, 189, 195, 199 Force K, 177-79, 182-83 Force X, 199, 203-04 Force Z, 199 Fortescue, Adrian, 54 Forts: Fort Bengemma, 135; Fort Benghisa, 135; Fort Cambridge, 134-35; Fort Chambray, 86, 103, 120; Fort Delimara, 135; Fort Madalena, 135; Fort Manoel, 86,119, 123, 136; Fort Musta, 135; Fort Pembroke, 134; Fort Ricasoli, 85-86, 103, 134, 135-36, 175, 207; Fort Rinella, 135; Fort St. Angelo, 31, 52-54, 59, 60, 63-66, 73-74, 86,103,

INDEX

225; Fort St. Elmo, 59-66, 73, 75, 80-81, 83, 85-86, 93, 121, 134, 153, 175,189, 225; Fort St. Lucian, 86, 89, 122,135; Fort St. Michael, 59, 66-67, 70-72; Fort St. Nicholas, 50; Fort St. Rocco, 134, 175, 186; Fort St. Tombrell, 134; Fort Ta Silc, 135; Fort Tigne, 86, 103,119,123, 135-36 France, 33-34, 42, 46-47, 51, 88, 91, 95, 97-98,125,139,148-50,157-58, 173-74, 205, 220; French Revolution, 91, 93, 95-97; invasion of Malta, 98-104; occupation of Malta, 104-117, 141 Franco, Francisco, 161 Franks, 41-42, 46 Frederick II, 32, 47 Frederick HI, 35 French Morocco, 211 Frontiers of Chemical Sciences Conference, 225 Fulk of Jerusalem, 43 Fungus Rock, 5 Gailani, Rashid Ali, 171 Gaius Duilius, 22 Galea, Emmanuel, 184 Galleys, 87-88, 90-91 Gallipoli, 140 Ganado, Alberto, 151 Garcia, Don de Toledo, 58-59, 62, 64, 68, 70, 72-75 Garden Battery, 135 Gazala, Battle of, 194, 215 Geddes, Sir Eric, 140 Gelon of Syracuse, 20 Genoa, 18, 31-33, 36, 48, 53, 83, 117, 121, 168, 183 George III, 124 George VI, 190,211 George Cross, 30, 190-91, 217 Gerard, Brother, 40, 41, 79, 95 Germans, 32 Germany, 46, 130, 149-51, 157-58, 160, 165, 171, 174, 185, 187, 194, 212-213, 222; Afrika Korps, 165, 169-72, 177-79, 194, 209-211;

259

Luftwaffe, 157,165,168-69,172-74, 176, 180-81, 183-85, 188, 191, 193, 201, 205, 210, 213; Navy, 157, 159, 182, 185, 187, 199, 201, 204 Gibraltar, 1, 4, 130-31, 152, 158, 161, 167-68,172,173,175,180,182,185, 188, 195-96, 199, 202 Gigantija, 222 Gious, Pierre de, 56 Gilbert of Assailly, 45 Giustiniani, Pietro, 83 Giurati, 32 Glaucos (Greek vessel), 185 Gnaeus Naevius, 22 Godfrey of Jerusalem, 40 Goebbels, Josef, 172, 174, 185 Gonzalez, Pablo, 21 Gorbachev, Mikhail, 223 Gort, Sir John, 190,217 Goths, 28 Gozo, 4, 6, 8, 10, 19, 20, 29, 33-34, 52, 55, 60, 71, 86, 99, 102-03, 115-16, 120, 133-34, 143, 217-18, 222 Graham, Brigadier General Thomas, 122 Grand Harbour, 6-7,18, 20, 30-31, 34, 52, 55, 59-60, 62, 64, 76, 80, 85, 101-03, 106, 115, 117, 130, 132-34, 153, 154, 157, 163, 168, 175, 177, 180, 189, 199, 205, 207, 211-213, 218, 220-23 Grand Harbour (Battle of), 34-35, 118 Great Britain, 98, 100, 107, 117, 120-22, 129-30, 139, 143, 174, 198, 218-220, 222; acquisition of Malta. 123-127; Crimean War, 137-39; defenses of Malta, 131,134-137,141, 143,147-149,152-153,158,160-61, 168, 210, 219-20; First World War, 133, 139-40, 144; governance of Malta, 141-145, 150-151; Malta in British Strategic Plans, 130-131, 138-141; Napoleonic Wars, 117-127; Royal Air Force, 148, 152, 154-56, 161, 167-69, 172, 178-80, 182, 183, 187, 189-91, 199-200, 202, 203, 205-06, 210, 215, 220; Royal Navy, 117, 130-134, 137, 140, 143,

260

INDEX

Great Britain (continued) 147-148, 157-158, 161-162, 165, 167, 170-71, 173, 176-80, 182, 185, 189, 195, 198-99, 202, 206-07, 218-20; post-war era, 218-220 Great Siege of 1565, 55-77, 80, 127, 145, 193, 198, 225 Greece, 117, 160-61, 163, 165, 167, 170-74,180, 185,220 Greek War of Independence, 138 Greeks, 18, 19-22,50,56,67 Greenwood, Arthur, 152 Guglielmo Grasso, 31 Guggenberger, Lieutenant Friedrich, 182 Guiral, Francisco de, 69 Gulf of Sidra, 2 Guys, Pierre Alphonse, 113 Hadrian, 26 Hagar Qim, 222 Haifa, 174 Hakem, 29 Hal-Barka, 20 Hal Far, 152-53, 155, 187, 220 Hale, J.W., Lieuteant-Commander, 162 Hamilcar, son of Gisgo, 23-25 Hamilcar Barca, 20 Hamrun, 212 Hannibal, 20, 23, 25-26 Hanno, 22 Hartley, Peter, 155 Harvey, Rear-Admiral Edward, 132 Harwood, Admiral Sir Henry, 195 Hassan of Algiers, 58, 69 Hattin, Battle of, 45-46 Hawkesbury, Foreign Minister Lord, 126 Herberstein, Josef von, 90 Henry VI (Holy Roman Emperor and King of Sicily), 32 Henry VIII, 54 Henry of Hohenstaufen, 32 Henry Pistore, Count of Malta, 31, 32 Hiero of Syracuse, 21, 23-25 Hieronymos of Syracuse, 25 Himera, Battle of, 20 al-Himyari, 29 Hippocrates, 26

Hitler, Adolph, 151,157,159,161,165, 174, 181, 188, 194, 198, 209-211 Hohenstaufens, Holy Land, 30, 39-40, 45-47 Holy League, 90 Holy Roman Empire, 51 Holy Virgin of Philerme, 110 Home Fleet, 132 Homedes, Grand Master Juan de, 53-54 Homer, 19 Hompesch, Grand Master Ferdinand von, 97, 102-05, 109-10, 125 Hornby, Vice-Admiral Sir G., 139 Hornwork, 85, 134 Hospitallers (see Knights of St. John) Hospitals, 40-44, 48, 82, 139-40 Hungary, 51 Hughes, Quentin, 85 Hypogeum, 154, 222 lachino, Admiral Angelo, 162,170,175, 189, 195 Iarba the Moor, 18 India, 98, 126, 131, 159 Inguanez, Antonio, 36 Innocent III, 46 International Union of Pure and Applied Chemistry, 225 Iran, 225 Iraq, 171, 173-74, 197 Ischia, 34-35, Islam, 28-29, 93 Israel, 225 Istanbul, 4, 56, 57, 70, 139-40 Italian language, 130, 141, 143-44, 224 Italy, 21, 25, 33, 47, 127, 140, 144-45, 147-48, 154, 157, 164, 187-88, 211-12, 220-21; Air Force, 148, 156, 157,162,174,187-88,194,201,205, 207, 210; entry into World War II, 149-153; Navy, 147,156-57,160-63, 170, 174-75, 178-79, 182-83, 187, 189,194-96,201-04,211-13 Jackson, Governor Sir Edward, 196 James of Aragon (King), 33 Janissaries, 57, 62, 67, 69, 74

INDEX

Japan, 159 Jellison, Charles, 148, 200 Jerusalem, 39-41, 43-46 Jesuits, 96 The Jew of Malta, 39 Jews, 29, 40, 91 John of Austria, 83 John of Procida, 33 John of Wurzburg, 41 John Paul II, 110, 223 Jordan, 225 Juan of Castile, Viceroy of Sicily, 36 Juno, 27 Justinian, Emperor, 28 Kalafrana, 152, 154 Kedar, Benjamin, 41 Keeble, Peter, 155 Kemnade, Commander Friedrich, 182 Kesselring, Field Marshal Albert, 157, 181,187-88, 193,210 Keyes, Admiral Sir Roger, 197 King's Own Malta Regiment, 137, 140, 152, 158, 186, 212, 220 King's Own Malta Regiment of Militia, 137 Kirkuk, 174 Knights of Malta (see also Knights of St. John), 37, 39, 51-54, 79-93, 95-97, 113-14, 116, 123-25, 127, 129, 134-35, 144-45, 154, 169, 179, 198, 222, 225; defense of Malta, 58-60; expulsion from Malta, 98-110; Great Siege of 1565, 55-77; military operations, 82-83, 87-92 Knights of St. John (see also Knights of Malta), 1, 6, 37, 39-51 Kuwait, 225 Labini, Bishop Vincenzo, 105-06, 109 Labour Party, 220-21, 225 Lancia, Manfredi, 33-34 Laparelli, Francesco, 80-82 Lascaris, Grand Master Jean de, 85, 92-93 Lascaris, Philip de, 67-68 Lascaris Battery, 134

261

Lebanon, 225 Leipzig, Battle of, 127 Le Marchant, Governor Sir Gaspar, 133, 142 Lepanto, Battle of, 83 Leontini, 26 Lewis, Rear-Admiral Sir John, 132 Libya, 18, 150, 159-60, 163, 167, 171, 174, 177-78, 180-81, 188, 193, 210-11 Limestone, 8-10 Lipari Islands, 22-23 Lilybaeum, 22-25 Litta, Count de, 97 The Little Relief, 68, 74 Livy, 24-25 London, 125, 214 Loraine, Sir Percy, 149 Lorenzi, Gullielmo, 121 Louis of Aragon, King, 35 Louisiana Purchase, 126 Louvre, 111 Lucius Manlius, 23 Lugny, Chevalier de, 72 Luqua, 152, 187, 210, 220-22, 226 Lyons, Admiral Lord, 132 Lyster, Rear-Admiral A.L. St. G., 199 Magic Carpet Service, 181 Magna Graecia, 19 Maitland, Lieutenant General Sir Thomas, 129-30 Mallia-Milanes, Victor, 116-17 Malta (nation), 219, 224-226; agriculture, 8, 10, 30, 51, 157; climate, 2, 8, 61, 222; defenses, 220-21; economy, 27, 133, 137, 140, 141, 147, 218, 220, 222, 224; geography, 2-6; geology, 7-9; harbors, 6-7, 15, 52; industry, 27, 222; population, 9-10, 29, 31, 37, 52, 82, 99, 143; religion, 27-28, 77; water, 8, 10, 30, 52 Malta (county), 31, 35 Malta (island), 2, 4, 8, 20, 27-29, 31, 51, 52, 99, 102, 116, 118, 175-76, 217, 222

262

INDEX

Malta Conference, 213-214 Malta Drydock Battalion of Artillery, 137 Malta Fortress Squadron of Royal Engineers, 137, 220 Malta Land Force, 220 Malta Militia Division of Submarine Miners, 137 Malta Police Force, 221 Maltese, 25-26, 29, 30-37, 53, 54-56, 88-91, 99, 103-104, 107-108, 114-18, 126, 130-33, 137, 147, 219, 223,224; First World War, 140; Great Siege of 1565, 59, 63-65, 67-73, 76-77; revolt against the French, 118-123, 127, 152; Second World War, 128, 147, 165, 168, 169, 171, 175, 182, 184-87, 190-191, 196, 197-98, 207, 212-15, 217-218; Uprising of the Priests, 93, 119 Maltese Congress, 120, 124-25, 130 Maltese Cross, 79-80 Maltese Flag, 30, 93,119,123, 217, 225 Maltese Islands, 1, 2, 3, 6, 20-25, 28, 34-37, 39, 52, 54, 55, 77, 99, 106, 115, 130, 137,226 Maltese Language, 5, 29-30, 129, 133, 142-44,167, 193, 217, 219, 222, 224 Maltese Legion, 109 Maltese Light Infantry Regiment, 122, 126-27 Maltese Militia, 137 Maltese nationalism, 36-38, 52, 53, 77, 92-93, 116, 123-128, 129, 141-145, 150-151, 154,218-220 Maltese nobility, 53, 77, 115 Maltese Volunteer Light Infantry Regiment, 108 Malti (see Maltese language) Mamelukes, 47 Mamertines, 21 Manduca, Count, 119 Manfred of Sicily (King), 33-34 Mannarino, Gaetano, 93, 115 Manoel Island, 175, 220 Marco the Tailor, 74 Marceglia, Antonio, 182

Marcus Claudius Marcellus, 26 Maritime Museum, 222 Marlowe Christopher, 39 Margarito of Brindisi, 31 Marsa, 20, 60, 67, 72, 133, 154 Marsala, 22 Marsamxett, 6-7, 34, 59, 61-62, 65, 75, 80, 83, 132, 134, 179 Marsaxlokk, 6,13,18, 21, 60,102,103, 107, 122, 135, 187,223 Marseilles, 18, 33 Martel, Charles, 28 Martellotta, Vincenzo, 182 Martin I, 35-37 Mason, Captain Dudley, 200, 206 Masson, Captain, 118 Maurin, Giuseppe, 92 Maxim Gorky (USSR vessel), 223 Maynard, F.H.M., 155 McCrea, Rear-Admiral John D., 131 Mdina, 20, 26, 29, 31, 37, 52, 60, 63, 67, 68, 71-72, 74-75, 106, 118, 119, 120, 123 Mediterranean, 1-3, 75-76, 130, 148, 150, 158, 180, 197-98, 210, 214 Mediterranean Fleet, 131, 132, 138-40, 145, 147, 149, 160, 167, 173, 183, 218 Megrigny, Chevalier de, 103 Mehmet I, 49 Mehmet VI, 140 Melita, 4, 26, 27 Melkart, 18 Mellieha Bay, 6, 74, 102, 135, 137 Mercieca, Sir Arturo, 151 Mercieca, Tony, 171 Mesquita, Pedro, 72 Messana, 21, 23-24 Messina, 4, 42, 51, 83, 117, 189, 212 Messina Straits, 176, 178 Mersa Matruh, Battle of, 197 Michael, Byzantine Emperor, 33 Micho, Paulo, 69 Middle East, 2, 28, 159, 174, 197-98, 210, 225 Mintoff, Prime Minister Dom, 220 Mizzi, Enrico, 143-44, 150-51, 218

INDEX

Mizzi, Dr. Fortunato, 143 Moccagatta, Capitano di Fregata, 175 Modon, 53 Moncada, Guglielmo, 35 Monroy, Don Consalvo de, 36 Monte, Grand Master Pietro del, 81 Montebello, Giuseppe, 120 Montgisard, Battle of, 41 Montgomery, General Bernard Law, 210-11 Morocello, Lorenzo, 89 Mosley, Oswald, 151 Mosta Dome, 184 Motya, 19 Mount Sciberras, 54-55, 59-61, 64, 66, 68, 76, 80-81 Msida, 153 Museum of Fine Arts, 222 Muhammad, 28 Murat, General, 127 Murmansk, 195 Muscat, Dr. John Nicholas, 105 Muslims, 29, 40, 43, 45-47, 55, 56, 88 Mussolini, Benito, 143, 144, 148-151, 157-58, 160, 161, 179, 188, 194, 197-98, 204, 209, 212 Mustapha of Rhodes, 91 Mustapha Pasha, 57, 60, 65, 67-68, 70-76 Mylae, Battle of, 22 Naples, 34-35, 160, 162, 167, 183 Naples, Kingdom of, 91, 96, 120, 123, 124, 127 Naples (Bay of), 34-35, 117 Napoleon, 95, 97-111, 113-14, 116-17, 123, 126-27, 152, 159, 174 National Assembly, 120 Nationalists, 143-44,150-51,153,218, 225 National War Museum, 155, 225 NATO, 220-222 Navarino, 90 Navarino, Battle of, 138 Naxxar, 75 Nelson, Horatio, 99-100, 111, 117-118, 120-22, 124, 174

263

Neolithic Malta, 9-15 Neveu, Baillif Guillaume de, 125 Newspapers, 142 Nicholas I (pope), 33 Nicholson, Helen, 44 Nile, Battle of the, 118 Nisida, 35 Norman, Lieutenant E.D., 170 Normans, 30, 32 North Africa, 2,17,19, 28, 62, 89, 138, 148,157,184, 187,194,199, 209-10 Notabile (see also Mdina), 31 Odessa, 139 Odysseus, 19, 218 The Odyssey, 19 Operations in World War II: Barbarossa, 174-75; Battleaxe, 177; Bellows, 202; Bowary, 191; Calendar, 189; Excess, 167; Harpoon, 195-96; Hercules, 187-88, 194; Hurry, 155; Judgment, 161; Mercury, 173; Pedestal, 199-210, 218; Substance, 180; Tiger, 172-73; Torch, 211; Vigorous, 195-96; White, 155 Oran, 148,211 Osborne Hotel, 222 Osirxamar, 18 Ottoman Empire (see also Turks), 1, 56, 90, 108, 122, 138-40 Our Lady of Mount Carmel Church, 118 Our Lady of Victory, 75, 123, 196, 209, 212 Ovid, 18 Pacific, 183, 198, 214, 217 Palace of the Grand Master, 81, 87,107, 121, 225 Palace Square, 121, 129 Palermo, 4, 28, 33 Palestinian Authority, 225 Paneas, 43 Panormus (ancient Palermo), 19 Pantalleresco, Monsignor A.V., 151 Pantelleria, 201, 203 Paola, 154 Papacy, 41, 44, 51, 111, 143

264

INDEX

Pardo, Dr. Arvid, 224 Pardo, Pedro, 59 Parona, Rear Admiral Angelo, 189 Pascal II, 41 Paul I, Tsar, 110, 123, 125 Paule, Grand Master Antoine de, 85 Pax Romana, 28 Pedro III of Aragon, 33, 34 Penne, Luigi de la, 182 Persians, 28 Philermo, 48 Philip II of Spain, 111 Phoenicians, 4, 14-15, 17-19, 23, 27, 30,37 Piali Pasha, 56, 60, 65, 67, 71, 74, 76 Piedmont, 96 Pieta, 153 Piro, Marquis de, 119 Pisa, 32, 36 Pius IV, 58 Pius V, 83 Pius VII, 125 Poland, 90, 149, 185 Polybius, 21 Pont, Gianni del, 69 Porter, Whitworth, 114, 198 Portugal, 96, 107, 120-21 Pretty Bay, 6, 187 Protestantism, 54, 76, 141, 153 Provence, 34, 40 Publius, 27 Puccini, Lieutenant Sergio, 204 Punic Wars, 152 Punica, 26 Punic Wars, 21-25 Pygmalion, 19 Rabat (Gozo), 103 Rabat (Malta), 119, 186 Raeder, Grand Admiral Erich, 159 Rambla Bay, 6, 102 Ransijat, Bosredon de, 100-103, 105-06, 114 Raymond II of Tripoli, 43 Raymond du Puy, 41-43, 79 Regent Movie House, 184 Regiment Chasseurs, 87

Regiment of Malta, 87, 109 Regional Marine Pollution Emergency Response Centre, 220 Regulus, Caius Atilius, 22, 24 Regulus, Marcus Atilius, 22 Reichberg, Chevalier von, 103 Ricasoli, Giovanni Francesco, 85 Republic Street, 225 Revel, Master Hugh de, 46 Reynaud, Paul, 152 Rhodes, 4, 48-51, 52, 58, 73, 77, 79, 110, 169 Riccardi, Admiral Arturo, 162 Riccardi, Italian Minister of Currency, 150 Riley, Captain Frederick Neville, 204-06 Riley-Smith, Jonathan, 40, 43, 46, 79 Rivarola, Lieutenant Colonel Count Francis, 137 Robles, Melchior de, 68 Roger (Count), 30 Roger I (King), 31 Roger II (King), 31 Roger of Lauria, 34-35, 118 Roger of Moulins, Master, 46 Rohan, Camille de, 101-02 Rohan, Grand Master Emmanuel, 86-87, 93, 97 Roman Catholic Church, 26, 28, 31, 40, 42, 92-93, 96, 105, 109, 111, 116,119-20,130,141,143,144,179, 201, 219 Romans, 4, 21-28, 39 Rome, 225 Romegas, Commander Mathurin, 56, 88 Rommel, General Erwin, 165, 171-72, 174, 177, 179-81, 183, 187-88, 190-91, 193, 194, 197, 199, 209-11, 214 Roosevelt, President Franklin Delano, 187,189,213-14,224 Rosenbaum, Lieutenant Helmut, 202 Roxellane, 56 Royal Army Ordinance Corps, 186 Royal Malta Artillery, 137, 140, 152, 158, 175, 184, 186,220

INDEX

Royal Malta Fencible Artillery, 137 Royal Malta Fencible Pensioners Company, 137 Royal Malta Fencible Regiment, 131,137 Royal Navy Bakery, 222 Royal Opera House, 184, 218, 225 Royal Regiment of Malta, 127 Royal Society of Chemistry, 225 Ruge, Admiral Friedrich, 157, 215 Russia, 90, 97, 107, 110, 123-25, 138-39, 174 Russian War Scare, 139 Safed, 46 Sailing Squadron, 87-88, 91-92 St. Bernard of Clairvaux, 43 St. Clement, Francesco, 82-83 St. George's Bay, 13 St. Helena, 100 St. John the Baptist, 40, 65, 82, 110 St. John's Conventual Church and Co-Cathedral, 53, 82, 107, 115-16,225 St. Julian's Bay, 113 St. Lawrence by the Sea Church, 53, 70, 168 St. Mary of the Latins, 40-42 St. Mary Magdalene, 40 St. Petersburg, 110 St. Paul, 27-28, 104, 223 St. Paul's Battery, 135 St. Paul's Bay, 6-7, 27, 75, 122 St. Paul's Catacombs, 222 St. Paul's Island, 6 Saladin, 45-46 Salatron, Francisco, 69 Salviati, Admiral Bernardo, 53 Salerno, 212 Salonika, 140 San Anton Palace, 223 Sandhurst, 221 Santa Margarita Hill, 72 Santa Margherita Lines, 85 Santa Marija Convoy, 207 Sardinia, 17, 162, 174, 201 Sardo, Antonio, 93 Saudi Arabia, 225

265

Sawada, Ibn Muhammad, 28 Scandanavia, 149 Schembri, Dr. Besnoit, 105 Schevardnadze, Edward, 223 Second World War and Malta, 1,128, 143; Attacks on Allied Shipping, 159-60, 162, 170, 173-75, 180-83, 188-89, 195-96, 202-07; Attacks on Axis Shipping, 159, 163-64, 167, 169-71, 176-79, 183, 191, 209-11, 214-15; Axis bombing of Malta, 167-187, 189-191, 210; Axis invasion plans, 156, 187-188, 194; beginning of war, 147-53; convoys, 159-60, 162, 167-68, 170-81, 188-191, 195-197, 199-207, 209-11; end of war, 212-214; Illustrious Blitz, 167-169, 172, 185; Italian bombing of Malta, 153-165, 176; Malta's significance, 215; Maltese casualties, 149, 153, 168-169, 171, 182, 184, 186, 217; Maltese rations, 186-87; 191, 196, 202; Naval Actions, 160, 161-162, 171, 175, 178-79, 182-83, 189, 195-96, 204; North African campaign, 156, 159, 163, 165, 169, 171-72, 177-80, 183, 185, 187, 191, 193-94, 197, 209-11, 214 (see also Operations in World War II) Seddall, Henry, 131, 141-42 Segesta, 20 Selinunte (Selinus), 20 Sempronius, 23-25 Sengle, Grand Master Claude de la, 54 Senglea, 54, 61, 63, 65-70, 72-73, 75, 80, 85, 169, 221 Sette Giugno Riots, 142 Sevastopol, 139 Seward, Desmond, 92 Seymour, Admiral Sir F. Beauchamp, 131, 139 Shaw, George Bernard, 1 Ships, American: Almeria Lykes, 199, 204; Belknap, 223; Chant, 195; Kentucky, 195-96, 200; Ohio, 199-200, 203, 205-07, 209, 217;

266

INDEX

Ships, American (continued) Quincy, 213; Santa Elisa, 199, 204-05; Savannah, 213; Wasp, 189, 190 Ships, British: Airedale, 195; Alexander, 120; Alexandra, 131, 139; Antelope, 132; Argus, 155-56, 189, 195; Ark Royal, 162, 175, 182; Ashanti, 203; As/a, 138; Aurora, 177, 182, 211; Barham, 132,147,161,182; Benbow, 132; Berwick, 161; Birmingham, 195; Bramham, 205, 207; Breconshire, 172, 181, 189; Brisbane Star, 199, 204-06; Burdwan, 195; Gz/ro, 196, 203-04; Calcutta, 160; C/
Nubian, 171; Orari, 195; P.32, 177; P.33, 177; P J 6 , 185; Pampas, 189; Pandora, 185; Penelope (19th century), 122; Penelope (20 th century), 182, 184-85; Pe?m, 205-06; Port Chalmers, 199, 205; Prince of Wales, 175, 183; Qweew Elizabeth, 132, 183; Ramillies, 132, 161, 162; Renown, 162; Repulse, 183; Revenge, 132; Rochester Castle, 199, 205; Rodney, 175,199; Poya/ Oafc, 132,149; Roya/ Sovereign, 132, 160; Rye, 206; Southampton, 162, 168; Terpsichore, 121; Troilusy 195; Unbeaten, 185; Unbroken, 205; Undaunted, 177; Upholder, 176, 185; Usfc, 177; Va//'awt, 160-161, 183; Vanguard, 100, 120; Victorious, 199, 203; Warspite, 147, 160-61, 163, 213; Waimarama, 199, 205; Wairangi, 199, 204-05; Welshman, 181, 191, 196; Yor&, 170 Ships, French: Diane, 118, 123; Genereux, 118, 122; Guillame Tell, 118, 122-13', Justice, 118, 123; Oriew*, 99, 104-06, 114, 118 Ships, Germans: Breslau, 139; Gneisenau, 149; Goebew, 139; 17-73, 202; tf-82, 182; U-205, 195; L7-331, 182 Ships, Italian: Adriatico, 179; Alagi, 204; Andrea Doria, 162; Armando Diaz, 170; Attendolo, 205; Axrwm, 203; Barbiano, 179; Bolzano, 205; Cavour, 148, 156, 160, 162; Cesare, 160, 162, 168; Cobalto, 203; Cowte Rosso, 176-77; Dagabur, 202; De/ Greco, 179; Diana, 175; Duilio, 162; Dw&e of Abruzzi, 178; Esperia, 177; F/fei, 179; Giussano, 179; Impero, 156; Irid/o Mantovani, 179; Littorio, 148, 156, 162, 175, 189, 195; Louisiana, 211; L«/?#, 91; Neptune, 177; Oceana, 177; Oriani, 177; Proserpina, 211; Roma, 156, 213; Sc/re, 182; Trento, 195; Trieste, 178; Uarsciek, 202; Vittorio Veneto, 156, 162, 168, 175, 195

INDEX

Ships, Knights of Malta: San Antonio, 91; San Giacomo, 87; San Giorgio, 91; San Giovanni (battleship), 87, 92, 109; San Giovanni (galley), 83; San Giuseppe, 88; San Pietro, 83; San Raimondo, 87; San Zacharia, 91-92; Santa Caterina, 87; Santa Elizabetta, 91; Santa Maria, 91; Santa Maria della Vittoria, 83 Ships, Ottoman: Corona Ottomana, 91; Sultana, 89 Sicels, 20 Sicilian Narrows, 2, 201, 204 Sicilian Vespers, 33, 47 Sicilian Wars, 19-21 Siculi, 20 Silius Italicus, 26 Sicily, 2, 5, 10, 14, 17, 19-26, 30-33, 35-37, 39, 62, 71, 73-74, 80, 96,117, 123, 156, 165, 167, 169, 174, 176, 181,188,201,203,212 Sidon, 17, 47 Siggiewi, 119 Sirte, Second Battle of, 189 Skerki Channel, 204 Sliema Point Battery, 134 Smith, Peter, 203 Somerville, Vice-Admiral Sir James, 158, 172, 199 Soviet Union, 174, 181, 195, 213, 223-24 Spanish, 4 Spanish Civil War, 140, 148 Spain, 23, 51, 57-58, S3, 96, 98, 124, 161 Stalin, Josef, 213 Starkey, Oliver, 82 Statutes of Margat, 44 Stoddart, Dr. Simon, Stopford, Vice-Admiral 138 Strategic importance of Malta, 14-15, 37-39, 57, 76-77, 98-99, 126, 130-131, 133, 144, 161, 163-165, 172, 173, 190-91, 197, 210-11, 213 Strickland, Lord Gerald, 143-44, 150 Student, General Kurt, 173, 187 Suda Bay, 161, 170

267

Suez Canal, 4, 130, 159, 161, 172, 191, 194, 197, 218 Suez Crisis, 218 Sulieman the Magnificent, Sultan, 50, 56-57, 70, 72 Swabians, 32 Syracuse, 20, 23-6, 70, 117 Syria, 46, 138, 174 Syfret, Vice-Admiral Sir Neville, 189, 199, 203 Talleyrand, 99 Tancred, 31 Tancred of Leece, 32 Tanimbar (Dutch vessel), 195 Taranto, 160, 189 Taranto, Battle of, 161-162, 163, 167, 183 Target Date, 196, 199 Tarxien, 120, 222 Tarxien Cemetery Culture, 13 Tas-Silg, 18, 21 Ta Qali, 152, 184, 226 Templars, 41, 43, 45, 47, 96 Temple Culture, 10-12, 14, 38, 154 Tenth Light Flotilla, 170, 175, 180, 182-83, 194 Tenth Submarine Flotilla, 176,185,201, 213-14 Testa-Ferrata, Baron Marie, 105 Teuma, Count, 119 Three Cities, 82, 119, 154, 168 Thucydides, 18 Tiesenhausen, Lieutenant Commander Hans-Diedrich von, 182 Tobruk, 171, 173, 179, 181, 188, 194, 197,211 Tommasi, Giovanni Grand Master, 125 Totila, 28 Toulon, 4, 87, 98-101, 148 Tourism, 222, 226 Tours (Battle of), 28 Tousard, Stephen de, 86, 101, 109 Treaty of Amiens, 123-126, 128 Treaty of London, 138 Trebbia, Battle of, 25 Trieste, 2

268

INDEX

Tripoli (Libya), 51, 52, 55,167,170-71, 176,211 Tripoli (Syria), 4, 17, 32, 43, 45, 47 Troubridge, Sir Thomas, 122 Tunis, 4 Tunisia, 36, 157, 211 Turgut (Dragut), 55-58, 60, 62, 64, 70 Turin-Frisari, Bailiff, 105 Tyndaris (Battle of), 22 Turkey, 140, 220, 225 Turks, 48-50, 53-55, 68, 77, 79-81, 88-91, 107-08, 119, 134, 138; preparations for invasion of Malta, 57-58; landing on Malta, 60-61; attacks on Fort St. Elmo, 61-6; attacks on Birgu and Senglea, 66-74; withdrawal from Malta, 75; casualties, 75-6 Tuscany, 83 Tyre, 17, 19,47 United Arab Emirates, 225 U.S. Maritime Commission, 200 United States of America, 126,168,189, 200, 211-12, 214, 220, 222-24 Universita, 35, 37, 130 Uprising of the Priests, 93 Utica, 17 Valerius, Consul M., 21 Valette, Grand Master Jean de la, 58-74, 76,79-80, 82, 111, 189 Valletta, 53, 80-85, 93, 99, 101-103, 106,113,115,118-23,134,142,182, 184, 187, 217-18, 218, 225-226 Vallier, Gaspar de, 55-56 Valperga, Antonio Maurizio, 85 Vandals, 28 Vaubois, Henri General, 102, 106-109, 113, 115-16,119, 122-23 Velez de la Gomera, 56 Vilhena, Grand Master Manoel de, 86,88 Vella, Manuel, 186 Venice, 51, 54, 56, 58, 83, 89-90 Verdala Palace, 223 Verres, 27

Vertot, Abbe, 66 Vian, Admiral, 189, 195 Victoria Cross, 190 Victoria Lines, 135, 137 Villaret, Master Foulques de, 48 Villeneuve, Admiral, 118, 123 Visigoths, 28 Vitale, Emmanuel, 119-20 Viterbo, 51 Vittoriosa, 77, 133, 168 Voltaire, 55, 76 Vulso, L. Manlus, 22 Wanklyn, Lieutenant Commander Malcolm David, 176, 185 War of the Morea, 90 Wardlaw-Milne, Sir John, 197 Warsaw Pact, 220 Washington Naval Treaty, 140 Waterloo, Battle of, 127 Wavell, General, 163, 165, 172-73 Westpoint, 221 Whitworth, Ambassador Lord, 126 Wignacourt, Grand Master Alof von, 83 Wilhelm II, 139 William II (King of Sicily), 32 William IV (King of Great Britain), 131 William of Cornhut, 33 William of Tyre, 45 Williamson, Lieutenant-Commander Kenneth, 162 World War I, 144, 147 World War II (see Second World War) Wyld, Chief Engineer, 206 Xerri, Fr. Mikiel, 121 Ximenes, Grand Master Francisco, 93 Yalta Conference, 213, 224 Zammit, George, 186-187, 224 Zammit, Josephine, 212 Zammit, Sir Themosticles, 11 Zebbug, 103, 119 Zengi of Mosul, 45 Zerafa, Rev. Canon Edward, 169 Zurrieq, 186-87

About the Author

Dennis Castillo is a native of Detroit, Michigan, and the son of Maltese immigrants. He has previously published articles and presented papers on Maltese history. He is Associate Professor of Church History at Christ the King Seminary in East Aurora, New York.

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